King Taksin The Great

Chapter 7: The War of Independence Against Burma

7.1 In the war of national liberation led by King Taksin the Great, who were the enemies he had to fight or suppress?

Phraya Taksin established his stronghold in the eastern provinces, gathering troops, assembling men of valor, and stockpiling arms and munitions in preparation for a campaign to reclaim the kingdom from the hands of the Burmese invaders. (Image courtesy of Muang Boran)

King Taksin captured Chanthaburi on Sunday, June 14, 1767 (B.E. 2310). Later, he proceeded to conquer the town of Trat as well. From that point on, he held complete authority over the eastern provinces. During this period, several officials from the fallen capital of Ayutthaya joined his cause. Notably among them were Luang Sak, a royal page commander, and Nai Sut Jinda (who would later become Prince Maha Sura Singhanat, Deputy King during the reign of King Rama I of the Rattanakosin Kingdom). They also brought with them Lady Nok Iang, King Taksin’s mother, from Ban Laem in Phetchaburi (Chusiri Jamroman, 1984: p. 93). King Taksin’s foremost mission was to restore full independence to the former capital, Ayutthaya. Given the circumstances at the time, he must have contemplated deeply, for the principal forces he had to confront and suppress included five factions: the Burmese commander Suki at Pho Sam Ton, along with four Thai rebel groups.

Nevertheless, upon due consideration of the urgency at hand, King Taksin the Great deemed it imperative to first vanquish the Burmese forces stationed at Pho Sam Ton. Having thus resolved, His Majesty promptly commenced preparations for the military campaign. The primary objectives were twofold: first, to capture Fort Wichai Prasit in the town of Thonburi, and second, to seize the Burmese encampment at Pho Sam Ton in the Ayutthaya region, which lies within the present-day Bang Pahan District.

The preparation of troops, weaponry, provisions, and the construction of more than one hundred war vessels—both large and small—was accomplished in little over three months. King Taksin’s naval fleet comprised an array of ships: Chinese junks (some of which were seized from the town of Trat), flat-bottomed cargo boats, oared vessels, sailboats, and pole-driven boats suited for navigating the Chao Phraya River. It is believed that other seafaring craft capable of coastal navigation were also included. The war fleet, assembled at the mouth of the Chanthaburi River under the supreme command of King Taksin himself, must have presented a most striking and formidable sight—worthy of close study and remembrance.

His Majesty marched forth at the head of his army to strike down the Burmese forces entrenched at the Camp of Pho Sam Ton. (Image courtesy of Muang Boran)
The condition of the Samed Ngam vessel during the excavation in the year 1982 A.D. (2525 B.E.) revealed remnants of its wooden hull, a portion of which had been dismantled by local villagers and left in disarray upon the shore, scattered haphazardly across the area. (Image from Sinlapa Watthanatham Journal)

Saiyan Praichanchit (A.D. 1990 / B.E. 2533: pp. 64–74) spoke of an important archaeological site related to the vessel believed to have been employed by His Majesty King Taksin the Great in the restoration of the nation’s sovereignty, stating: “…The Samed Ngam ship is an ancient Chinese junk discovered by villagers of Ban Ko Samed Ngam, situated on the eastern bank of Khlong Ao Khun Chai (Chanthaburi River), in the year B.E. 2523 (A.D. 1980). It is believed to have been the dockyard of King Taksin. Notification was formally submitted to the Fine Arts Department in the year B.E. 2524 (A.D. 1981).”

The Fine Arts Department conducted an investigation and constructed an earthen embankment enclosing the area, naming the ship the “Samed Ngam” after the name of the subdistrict where it was found. In the year B.E. 2532 (1989), the Underwater Archaeology Project, together with the Committee for Advanced Underwater Archaeology Training, under the cooperation of the Fine Arts Department and the SPAFA Center, undertook further excavation of the shipwreck to gather more information and conduct a detailed study of the ship’s structure. The results from the excavation, study, and analysis of surrounding evidence in this initial phase suggest that the Samed Ngam shipwreck is likely linked to naval preparations for King Taksin’s campaign to restore the nation.

“…The preparation of King Taksin’s naval forces in Chanthaburi is scarcely detailed in documentary evidence. Even the ‘Chronicles of Thonburi’ compiled by Phan Chan Nu Mat (Jerm), which is considered more reliable than other records, merely states briefly that His Majesty led naval and land forces to attack the community of junk traders at Thung Yai (Trat), achieving victory over them. The leader, Chin Chiam, submitted to His Majesty and gave his daughter as a consort.

Upon returning to Chanthaburi, His Majesty ordered the preparation of a large naval force, constructing over one hundred warships. The same royal chronicle notes, ‘…At that time, His Majesty returned to Chanthaburi and oversaw the building of more than one hundred warships…’ Hence, it can be said that King Taksin introduced a new naval warfare model to combat the Burmese, differing in form and composition from the naval forces of Ayutthaya. This new formation prioritized essential logistics for travel…”

The second excavation of the Samed Ngam shipwreck, conducted during March–April B.E. 2532 (1989), was carried out by the Underwater Archaeology Project in conjunction with the trainees of the SPAFA (Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization Regional Centre for Archaeology and Fine Arts) Underwater Archaeology course (ST-141a).
(This image is sourced from the Silpa Watthanatham journal.)

The vessel that His Majesty employed was a junk ship used as a warcraft… An intriguing point is the type and size of the “warships” commissioned for construction—how could over one hundred vessels be built within merely three to four months? Considering the annals from the same chronicle, which record events following the establishment of Thonburi as the capital, His Majesty led a naval force to attack the Burmese at Bang Kung in Chulasakarat 1130 (B.E. 2311). He commanded the royal barge Suvarn Mahapichai Nawa, a long ship (designed with a figurehead shaped like an animal’s head) measuring 11 wa in length and just over 3 sok in width, propelled by 28 rowers. Later, in Chulasakarat 1133 (B.E. 2314), during the campaign against Phutthaimat—undertaken via the same maritime route as when marching from Chanthaburi to expel the Burmese at Thonburi—His Majesty commanded the royal barge Sampao Thong along with 200 warships and 100 junk vessels. Thus, it is evident that the warships commissioned for construction—numbering over a hundred—belonged to the class of long boats propelled by oarsmen.

Photograph of the second excavation of the Samed Ngam shipwreck during March–April B.E. 2532 (1989).
(Image courtesy of Silpa Watthanatham Journal)
Map depicting the maritime route from Chanthaburi to Ayutthaya
(Image sourced from the book Boats: The Culture of the Chao Phraya River Basin and Silpa Watthanatham Journal)
Line drawing of a junk ship from a Japanese historical document dating to the 22nd Buddhist century (circa 16th-17th century CE). It is presumed that the Samed Ngam junk ship had a similar design to this vessel.
(Image from Silpa Watthanatham Journal)

However, for the naval expedition from Chanthaburi to Thonburi, the use of junks was undoubtedly necessary. This involved gathering junks from the numerous Chinese merchant shipowners along the coastal towns of Chanthaburi and Trat. These junks were repaired and reinforced to ensure their sturdiness and suitability for use in the naval fleet. Various evidence uncovered from the archaeological excavations at the Samed Ngam shipwreck site since 1981 (B.E. 2524) tends to support this view.

  1. The Samed Ngam ship is a Chinese junk (a small-sized junk believed to have been constructed and imported from China). The vessel features three masts and uses a central sternpost rudder (axial-rudder type). Its overall length is approximately 12 wa (24 meters), and the beam (width at the bow) is about 4 wa (8 meters).

  2. The ship was abandoned on a beam within a shipyard around the 24th Buddhist century (circa the early 18th century, approximately the 2300s BE).

  3. The repairs were left unfinished. A matter worthy of consideration is whether the cause of the incomplete repairs was due to insufficient time available to the craftsmen or whether the vessel’s condition was too severely damaged to be restored to seaworthiness.

The most likely reason is that the repairers did not have enough time, as the period for modification or repair was limited. Many ships were brought in for repair or modification, and there were sufficient vessels available for use. Therefore, this particular ship was left abandoned on the repair beams for an extended period.

Note: Luang Samanwanit (2496 BE: 1953 CE) wrote about the wood that King Taksin used to build warships in Chanthaburi:
“…Large Takian trees (Hopea odorata) were felled and sawn into warships that were excellent—durable and strong, unmatched by any other type of wood. Since the King had established a naval shipyard at Chanthaburi, using Takian wood from the forest was beneficial for the restoration of the nation’s independence. Remembering the virtue of the Takian trees, His Majesty sought reconciliation to prevent the people from destroying these trees, preserving them as a national treasure as much as possible. He ordered influential persons to travel to the provinces to spread the word. It is said that the Takian tree is guarded by a nymph spirit, and anyone who cuts down these trees will fall ill, as the trees are the abode of forest deities and spirits. Since then, the people dared not cut down Takian trees for any purpose. This belief still persists in other provinces, helping preserve this valuable species without the need for laws or prohibitions. The royal grace of King Taksin the Great as described should be remembered forever.”

The Capture of Vichai Prasit Fort (Thonburi): At the end of October 1767 (B.E. 2310), a fleet of about 100 warships—each capable of carrying approximately 100 soldiers (Sang Patthonothai, n.d.: 159)—loaded with provisions, weapons, and some 4,000 Sino-Thai troops, departed from the mouth of Chanthaburi River. The fleet sailed into the Gulf of Thailand, heading toward the mouth of the Chao Phraya River. Before reaching Vichai Prasit Fort, the planned amphibious assault to seize the fort was carried out meticulously. After capturing the fort, the forces planned to continue moving upstream along the Chao Phraya River by boat to their next targets. In most of these initial engagements, King Taksin relied heavily on amphibious landings. For clarity, an excerpt from Thai War against Burma describes the event: “Thao Thong In (or Boonsong), appointed by the Burmese to guard Thonburi, upon hearing that King Taksin’s fleet was approaching via the river mouth, quickly informed the Burmese commander Suki at the Pho Sam Ton camp. He also summoned men to defend Vichai Prasit Fort and the surrounding Thonburi walls, preparing for battle. When Taksin’s forces arrived, the defending troops, recognizing them as Thai, were reluctant to fight. After minor skirmishes, King Taksin took the city, captured Thao Thong In, and ordered his execution.”

The Capture of Pho Sam Ton Camp: King Taksin then hastened his army towards Ayutthaya. The Burmese commander Suki at Pho Sam Ton camp was alerted by messengers sent by Thao Thong In. Soon, fleeing soldiers from Thonburi arrived, reporting that the city had fallen to the Thai. Alarmed, Suki prepared to defend Pho Sam Ton camp. It was the rainy season, and fearing that the Thai forces might attack before he was ready, he ordered Mongya (or Mongya), his deputy commander of the Mon and Thai troops who had defected to the Burmese side, to lead a naval force downriver to intercept and engage the enemy at Peniat. That same night, King Taksin arrived at Ayutthaya and learned that enemy forces were stationed at Peniat, though he was uncertain of their strength. Meanwhile, among the Thai troops allied with Mongya, morale faltered—some fled, others sought to join King Taksin’s side. Fearing rebellion due to the wavering loyalty of these Thai troops, Mongya fled back to Pho Sam Ton camp that very night.

At dawn, King Taksin received news from those who had escaped the Burmese that the enemy had entirely retreated from Peniat. He immediately advanced his forces. The Burmese had established two camps at Pho Sam Ton: one on the east bank near the area of Wat Hong (currently a ruined temple), and the other on the west bank, which was the main Pho Sam Ton camp. The Burmese commander Suki’s forces were stationed on the west bank camp, where bricks taken from temples were used to build strong walls and defensive ramparts since the time of the great Burmese commander Nemyo Sithu during the siege of Ayutthaya. This camp later became Suki’s stronghold.

King Taksin moved his troops alongside Mongya toward Pho Sam Ton. At dawn, he ordered his soldiers to assault the Burmese camp on the east bank. By 9 a.m., they had seized the eastern camp. King Taksin then stationed troops to hold the camp and constructed ladders to scale the Burmese camp on the west bank. When preparations were complete at dusk, King Taksin dispatched Phraya Phiphit and Phraya Phichai, Chinese commanders, to lead the Chinese troops to position near Suki’s camp by Wat Klang (though this likely refers to Wat Kamphaeng, which was closer; Wat Klang lies over a kilometer away).

On the morning of Friday, the 15th day of the waxing moon, 12th lunar month, Year of the Pig, Noppasak, Chulasakarat 1129 (equivalent to 6 November 1767 CE), King Taksin’s combined Thai-Chinese army launched a simultaneous attack on Suki’s camp. Fighting raged from dawn until noon, after which the camp was taken. Suki, the Burmese commander, was killed in battle. Some Burmese troops fled under Mongya’s leadership, but many of those captured, especially the Thai subjects, surrendered peacefully.

The Royal Chronicles describe the assault on Pho Sam Ton camp as follows:
“On the morning of the 12th lunar month, after 3 hours past noon, the soldiers attacked and broke the eastern camp of Pho Sam Ton. Orders were given to prepare ladders to scale the large camp on the west bank, where the Burmese commander was entrenched… The following day, the Chinese vanguard was ordered to attack the Burmese commander’s camp. The commander led his soldiers in battle from dawn until noon. The Burmese commander fled back into his camp, but the Chinese troops pursued. The Burmese commander fought to the death within the camp.”

Note on Suki’s fate:
The Thai chronicles differ on Suki’s fate. The royal letters state that Suki fought to the death at Pho Sam Ton camp, while the British Museum version aligns with the Phan Chanumas manuscript, indicating that Mongya fled and joined Krom Muen Theppipit. It further states that after Krom Muen Theppipit captured Nakhon Ratchasima, he came to receive Phraya Nayok and Mongya—who remained in Ayutthaya—at Phimai.

The Phan Chanumas manuscript records that after the capture of Phraya Nayok and Mongya, Krom Muen Theppipit sent word to invite Suki, the Burmese Phraya Nayok, and Mongya, the city official, to join his side. Phraya Nayok then resolved to have Phraya Thibeth Borirak, who was also Phraya Sri Thammathirat, come forth and pay homage, pledging allegiance and becoming a vassal to Krom Muen Theppipit.

This Phan Chanumas manuscript was personally edited by King Buddha Yodfa Chulaloke (Rama I) in 1795 CE, thus it is considered authoritative and reliable.

Krom Muen Theppipit’s alliance with the Burmese caused great resentment among the Thai people. Therefore, it was no secret to King Taksin that Suki and Mongya had fled Pho Sam Ton camp to join Krom Muen Theppipit. After King Taksin campaigned against Phraya Phitsanulok (Rueang), who wounded the king in the shin with a gunshot, King Taksin had to retreat back to Thonburi. Once his wound healed and he learned that Suki and Mongya were in league with Krom Muen Theppipit, he launched a campaign to suppress them. Major battles ensued at Khun Thot and Cho Ho passes, resulting in King Taksin’s victory.

According to the royal letters, Mongya was captured, and it is believed Suki was also taken prisoner. After King Taksin ordered Mongya’s execution, it is assumed that Suki met the same fate.

When King Taksin took Pho Sam Ton camp, he effectively reclaimed Ayutthaya for Siam on 6 November 1767 CE. This remarkable achievement of restoring the capital occurred within seven months, marking a heroic accomplishment.

After his victory over the Burmese, King Taksin established his army at Pho Sam Ton camp. There were still many people and treasures that Suki had not yet sent to Burma, which were collected and guarded at the general’s camp. Several officials captured by the Burmese, including Phraya Thibeth Bodi (likely the same as Phraya Thibeth Borirak), Zhang Wang, and royal pages, came to pay homage to King Taksin. They reported the death of King Ekathat and that Suki had buried the royal remains at Khok Phra Meru in Ayutthaya.

They also reported that several royal captives held by the Burmese were kept in the camp, including four daughters of King Borommakot: Princess Suriyap, Princess Phintawadi, Princess Chantawadi, and Princess Fak Thong.

Among the royal descendants were four granddaughters: Mom Chao Mitr, daughter of Krom Phra Ratchawang Bowon Mahasenaphithak (Prince Kung); Mom Chao Krajad, daughter of Krom Muen Chitsunthorn; Mom Chao Mani, daughter of Krom Muen Sepphakdi; and Mom Chao Chim, daughter of Prince Jeed. These eight royal members were gravely ill when captured by the Burmese and therefore were not sent to Ava. Upon learning this, King Taksin felt deep compassion.

Earlier, when King Taksin took control of Chanthaburi, he encountered Princess Thapthim, a royal daughter of King Tiger, who had fled to Chanthaburi with attendants. It was believed that her mother, Chao Chom, was related to Phraya Chanthaburi. King Taksin graciously took care of her and provided suitable accommodations for the royal family members, as recorded in the Royal Chronicles (The Royal Chronicle, the personal manuscript of King Chulalongkorn, pp. 603-604), which states:

“… He ordered that soldiers refrain from harming or oppressing the common folk. Upon seeing the suffering of the ancient royal lineage and noble ministers, he bestowed clothing and various provisions generously upon the commanders and senior officials. Then, the royal funeral procession of King Suriyamarin was held at Pho Sam Ton to cremate the body. Titles and ranks were granted to the ministers to remain alongside their commanders as before. Furthermore, he commissioned envoys to go to Lopburi to persuade those nobles, and once successful, to bring the ancient royal lineage down to be cared for in Thonburi…”

King Taksin decreed the release of all those imprisoned by the Burmese and distributed wealth and provisions to alleviate their suffering. He ordered the construction of a crematorium draped in white cloth at the Royal Field and arranged for the creation of a royal funerary urn with appropriate adornments within his means. After preparations were complete, King Taksin entered the capital, established his pavilion, and had the remains of King Ekathat exhumed and enshrined in the royal urn placed within the crematorium. He then sought out surviving monks to conduct the traditional southern ritual (takṣina) and the associated ceremonies. Together with the old royal family and all officials, he performed the cremation and sealed the ashes according to the precedent of former monarchs.
(Sanan Silakorn, 1988: 64-69)

Note:
There remains widespread misunderstanding regarding the location of Pho Sam Ton. One institute’s publication, highlighting Thonburi’s abundant food supplies, mistakenly states that “… the Burmese appointed Suki as their commander to establish a camp at Pho Sam Ton in Thonburi to stockpile provisions and troops …” Such errors have propagated endlessly in historical writings. To avoid further confusion, especially for travelers, the locations of the two Pho Sam Ton sites are clarified as follows:

Pho Sam Ton at Thonburi is the name of a small lane branching off from Itsaraphap Road. Within this lane lies a market called Pho Sam Ton Market. In the market area stands a large Bodhi tree along with a shrine. This lane and market are located in the Wat Arun subdistrict, Bangkok Yai district, Thonburi. The name Pho Sam Ton at Thonburi is thought to have several origins: formerly there may have been three Bodhi trees, two of which died, yet the locals retained the name; or it was named Pho Sam Ton to honor and commemorate King Taksin’s decisive victory after attacking the Pho Sam Ton camp in Ayutthaya, much like the naming of Ban Pran Nok or Lat Ya Road—sites associated with battles such as the Battle of Lat Ya during the Nine Armies War in Kanchanaburi Province.

Pho Sam Ton at Ayutthaya was the name of a Burmese military camp established by General Nemyo Sithu during the siege of Ayutthaya in 1766 (B.E. 2309). The three Bodhi trees once stood at Wat Pho Hom. Lieutenant General Prayoon Montolpun, who once ordained at this temple, recounted that one of the trees died about 60 years ago; currently, two Bodhi trees remain in front of Wat Pho Hom. The Burmese camp known as Pho Sam Ton was situated approximately 800 meters west of Wat Pho Hom or the site of the three Bodhi trees, along the old Lopburi River course. The camp’s name, “Pho Sam Ton,” was derived from the administrative district of Pho Sam Ton subdistrict, not because the trees stood inside or beside the camp. This camp lies within Pho Sam Ton subdistrict, Bang Pa Han district, Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya Province.
(Ruamsak Chaikom-in, Lieutenant General, 1994: 27–32)