King Taksin The Great

Chapter 13: King Taksin’s Royal Duties in Arts and Culture

13.1 Dress culture during the Thonburi period: How did King Taksin, male officials, commoners, and women dress?

13.1.1 Royal Attire
“…The style of dress during the Thonburi period largely continued the customs of the late Ayutthaya era. However, some elements are evidenced as being uniquely of the Thonburi period, and can be categorized as follows:

King Taksin the Great
Hairstyle and Headgear – He wore the Mahatthai hairstyle, which historical records confirm had already been in use by Thai men during the reign of King Prasat Thong. According to Van Vliet, ‘From above the ears up, the hair was carefully trimmed short. The closer to the neck, the shorter it became, and below that, it was shaved completely.’

Somdet Chao Phraya Borom Maha Sri Suriyawong (Chuang Bunnag),
photographed by John Thomson in 1865, wearing the Mahatthai hairstyle.
Mom Rachothai (M.R. Kratai Isarangkun),
author of Nirat London, photographed by John Thomson in 1865, wearing the Mahatthai hairstyle.
(Image from Thai Costumes: Evolution from Past to Present, Volume 1)

This is known as the Mahatthai hairstyle, in which the hair is shaved around the head, leaving a patch of hair about 4 centimeters long at the crown. This patch would then be combed and styled in a way considered graceful and proper.

Mahatthai hairstyle
(Image courtesy of Muang Boran – Ancient City)
Male royalty wore their hair in the Mahatthai or Lak Chao (rudder post) style—traditional hairstyles that Thai men had worn since ancient times. This custom continued until the reign of King Rama V, when Western-style haircuts began to gain popularity. The photograph, sourced from the National Archives, does not specify the year it was taken.
(Image from the book “Samutphap Mueang Thai” – A Pictorial Album of Thailand)
Wore a slanted royal hat (Phra Mala Biang) and gracefully curved royal footwear.
(Image courtesy of Muang Boran – Ancient City)

At times of warfare, it is likely that the king wore the slanted royal hat (Phra Mala Biang), as this crown was not heavily decorated but made from sturdy materials suitable for practical use. The Phra Mala Biang was made of leather, shaped like a cut gourd, with a brim all around, lacquered black and attached around the collar and ears. It was said to resemble Japanese armor (Sanun Silakorn, 1988: 144).

As for the royal footwear (Chalong Phra Bat), normally the king wore the curved royal shoes, but during warfare they were of the type made from leather. The king’s attire would vary according to different royal occasions, such as

If the king proceeded to visit foreign dignitaries, he would wear six primary royal regalia items: a ceremonial robe of Asawari patterned silk; an outer robe edged with bands of bronze, gold, and green; the principal crown adorned with a tall chada, jewels including diamonds, rubies, and emeralds matching the robe’s colors; intricately embroidered royal trousers; a jeweled royal belt; and the sheathed royal sword—making a total of six items.

If he attended a royal cremation at Wat Chaiwatthanaram, traveling by the royal barge, he would wear only these six items: a ceremonial western-style robe; an outer robe woven with silver thread; the principal crown with jeweled chada matching the robe; embroidered royal trousers; a jeweled belt; and the sheathed royal sword.

If he journeyed to Phra Phutthabat (the Buddha’s footprint) traveling upriver to Tha Chao Sanuk on the royal barge, he would wear seven items: double-layered curved embroidered royal trousers; pleated royal cloth wrapped as a loincloth; a raised-ring ceremonial robe; jeweled belt; the five-pointed fresh-flowered crown; the sheathed royal sword; and a royal parasol—altogether seven items.

If the king led a royal procession from Tha Chao Sanuk to Phra Phutthabat, he would wear only four items: a traveling robe; curved embroidered royal trousers; jeweled belt; and the European-style crown with feathers and plumes.

If He proceeded to Pak Pa Thung Ban Mai, He would remove the royal traveling attire and then be presented with the garments for the royal barge, which would accompany Him from the capital. Upon reaching Than Kasem, He would again change attire. At afternoon time, when He was to proceed to pay homage at the Buddha’s Footprint, these garments would be presented: If He rode the royal elephant Phut Thal Thong, He would wear only eight items, namely: royal pants with double-curled cuffs, one; pleated loincloth, one; jackfruit-patterned sash, one; inner golden brocade robe with raised floral motifs, one; white crinkled outer robe, one; patterned sash, one; white crown with golden rim matching the color, one; royal sword, one — totaling eight items.

Upon arrival at the Buddha’s Footprint, He would proceed to tour the forest. If riding the royal elephant for the excursion, or riding a ceremonial horse, either was allowed. Should He go to Wat Phra Si Sanphet and consecrate the temple, He would wear a high gourd-shaped headdress with erect feathers, one; patterned white ground robe, one; Japanese-style ceremonial robe or ceremonial attire, one; royal palanquin with roof, or bare palanquin, both permitted; royal pants with double-layered cuffs embroidered with various jewels and strung with pearl necklaces; dragon embroidery adorned with jewels, one; pleated striped loincloth in green, red, purple, gold with jewel embroidery along the edge, one; sword sheath hanging with gold tassels, one; golden-bordered ceremonial robe with ruby-colored raised embroidery, hanging with a jeweled chain netting of pearls, with flower motifs, one; green ground golden-bordered royal cape embroidered as a net with gold tassels and leaf-shaped gold necklaces hanging, one.

For the Great Victory Chariot and the royal barge accompanying Him to bestow the Royal Kathin robe, He would wear as follows: a gold chest band inlaid with red gems, one; royal crystal necklace adorned with rubies and emeralds, one; jeweled ornamental fringe, one; jeweled ornamental side fringe hanging at the front, one; Great Victory royal crown, one; jeweled floral earrings with emerald drops, one; royal ring, one; gold wristbands with royal enamel and gem inlays, one; gold footwear with royal enamel and gem inlays, one — totaling thirteen items.

For the royal war attire suitable for elephant combat, He would wear: royal pants with inner royal lining, one; dyed ceremonial robe with inner royal lining, one; black silk pants as outer armor, one; padded ceremonial robe as outer armor, one; royal crown with inner royal lining, one; tilted royal crown, one; black brocade sash, one — totaling seven items.

If He were to proceed to capture animals at Lopburi, Sakaeo, Nam Jon, to surround tigers, to climb elephants to catch tigers, to go to Phon Chang to capture elephants, and to catch elephants in the fields, He would wear the traveling attire with the high feathered headdress…

(From the book Somdet Phra Chao Taksin Maharaj by the Committee of the Somdet Phra Chao Taksin Maharaj Foundation, 1980: 144–147; and Thai Dress: Evolution from Past to Present, Volume 1, 2000: 202–204)

13.1.2 The attire of government officials, according to the records in the Phra Tamrap Khrueang Ton concerning the manual that prescribes the powers and duties of the Chao Thi (officials), police, and royal pages, is described as follows:

  • For government officials participating in full ceremonial royal rites, the Hua Muen (chief of ten thousand), Nai Wern (attendants), Ja (sergeants), and royal barge crew would wear patterned sompak trousers, drape the khrui robe, wear pok (a type of shoulder cloth), and fasten a kiao sash according to their rank, with a sword belt worn in accordance with their position.

    Ordinary royal pages would wear patterned trousers, drape the khrui robe, and wear the pok kiao (pok with sash).

A colored painting depicting the royal procession by land during the Ayutthaya period, reproduced from the mural paintings in the ubosot of Wat Yom, Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya Province (image sourced from the book Somdet Phra Chao Taksin Maharaj).
A colored painting recreating the attire of the royal pages (mahadlek)
(image sourced from the book Somdet Phra Chao Taksin Maharaj).

For the Chao Thi of the Krom Chao Thi, whose duty was to maintain order in buildings and premises, their attire for royal ceremonies was as follows: senior ranks wore patterned sompak trousers, draped khrui robes, wore pok kiao, and wore sword belts.

Regarding the police, who were divided into four departments — Outer Police (one left, one right) and Inner Police (one left, one right) — the regulations stated:

  • When His Majesty attended performances, the head of the department (Krom Palat Krom) wore patterned sompak trousers and draped khrui robes; the department chiefs wore sword belts, the chief sergeants wore sword belts and carried spears; the officers (Tohnai) wore silk trousers with long hems, sashes, and sword belts, accompanying the royal procession.

  • For less grand occasions:
    Patterned sompak trousers, khrui robe, sword belt.

  • For dangerous duties such as observing tigers in the palace:
    Silk trousers and sash.

  • When marching out of the palace for such duties:
    Silk striped trousers, winter coat, sash.

  • For regular events such as palace parades or minor events outside the palace:

    • Normal duty: Patterned sompak silk trousers, draped khrui robe, sword belt.

    • Full ceremonial dress: Patterned sompak trousers, khrui robe, pok kiao according to rank.

    • Full ceremonial procession: Patterned sompak trousers, winter coat, jeab-baad sash; department chiefs wore sword belts, deputy chiefs wore sword belts, chief sergeants carried spears and wore sword belts; officers wore sword belts.

Note:

  1. The term “winter coat” refers to the garment called the inner shirt.

  2. Hats during King Narai’s reign for soldiers included styles such as the Dok Lamduan (Lamduan petal) hat, leather hats, Western-style hats, and excursion-style hats; hairstyles were kept in the traditional Mahadthai style.

  3. Generally, uniforms for warriors and nobles were sewn from silk and muslin fabrics. The sanob shirt or annually bestowed woven cloth was worn only during royal ceremonies or when accompanying the King on excursions. It was not for everyday use. When worn out, the official had to respectfully request a new garment from the royal grant.

King Taksin bestowed upon Chaophraya Mahakasatsuek a dark sanob shirt embroidered with large naga floral patterns, a six-khuep white lotus petal patterned cape, a six-khuep patterned cape with window pane designs, and royal pants with curled cuffs.

The royal rewards for nobles victorious in war, according to the Manthiraban Code, included:

  • Officers who went to battle and won were awarded gold badges, sanob shirts, and land grants for their descendants’ support.

  • Those who killed an elephant in battle were granted gold hats, gold sanob shirts with raised cuffs, 10,000 rai of land, and were entitled to share in gold and silver offerings.

Additionally, the Manthiraban Code described other noble attire: nobles with a 10,000-rai fiefdom wore gold-tied hairpieces; seated lords wore golden tied hairpieces; and those holding a 10,000-rai fiefdom with towns wore gold crowns.

  1. Noble attire included khrui robes sewn from hemp fabric (presumed to be lightweight, sheer fabric) with hems reaching mid-calf.

The Sena Kut shirt is a military uniform worn by both army and navy personnel dating back to the Ayutthaya period. It is made of patterned cotton fabric imported from India and tailored in the Chinese style, featuring buttons fastened along the right side seam. The front, back, and both upper sleeves are decorated with a lion biting armor motif. Today, only two such shirts remain, preserved at the National Museum Bangkok. The shirt shown in this image is housed at the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto, Canada.
(Image sourced from the book Thai Dress: Evolution from Past to Present, Volume 1)

The outer shirt was tailored from silk fabric imported from China or Europe, embroidered with gold thread in intricate patterns. It featured a front opening with buttons woven from silver or gold thread spaced along the closure. The sleeves had wide cuffs. The fabric used is presumed to be Indian or Persian gold brocade textiles, such as Khem Khab, Atlat, or Yiarbab.

The scarf worn around the neck was made of Chinese silk embroidered with silver or gold thread, or sometimes the finest available fabric, likely Indian or Persian gold brocade such as Khem Khab, Atlat, or Yiarbab, which were highly valuable and expensive textiles.

The royal pants (sanaplao) were made from fine fabric embroidered with gold and silver threads in patterns around the lower leg, extending below the knee.

The wrapped loincloth (chong kraben), according to records, was worn over the royal pants in the style of a traditional wrapped loincloth.

Footwear consisted of slip-on shoes similar to those worn by the Moors, resembling sandals.

The Lom Pok was a noble’s hat, also called Pok or Kiao, serving as a rank marker among nobles. It was a pointed hat resembling a crown, with a brim banded in yellow or gold thread for decoration. Above the band was a circular kiao ornamented with golden floral motifs, tapering to a point. Sharewès notably described the classification of noble ranks based on the betel nut boxes and Lom Pok hats in an intriguing manner.

Okya — the highest-ranking ruling class — wore a Lom Pok (noble hat) with edges made of gold and a pointed top adorned with a garland of flowers (chor mala).

Okphra — second-tier nobles — wore a Lom Pok with edges decorated by a Chaiyaphruek floral motif.

Okluang — third-tier nobles — wore a Lom Pok with edges about two inches wide, crafted with less finesse compared to Okphra.

Okkhun — fourth-tier nobles — wore a Lom Pok edged in polished gold or silver.

Okmuen — fifth-tier nobles — wore Lom Pok edges made of polished gold or silver, similar to Okkhun.

Regarding the wearing of Song Pak or Som Pak cloth for officials, the most important garment was the Song Pak, a royal fabric bestowed by the monarch symbolizing rank and affiliation. This cloth was worn during audiences or when accompanying royal processions. Even when leaving home to enter the palace, other cloths were worn first, and the Thonai (attendant) carried the Som Pak cloth to assist the official in donning it within the royal precincts. Mural evidence shows this practice occurring near the palace walls beside the throne hall.

The Song Pak or Som Pak is a narrow silk fabric that is joined (called phlaw) by sewing two pieces together, resulting in a width of about 160 cm — wider than ordinary loincloths by one-quarter, and longer by half. For full ceremonial dress, richly patterned Som Pak fabrics were used; for regular audiences, Som Pak in various silk colors was worn. The most prestigious Som Pak was the Som Pak Pum, woven with silk and featuring floral eyelet patterns, while the simplest grade was the Som Pak Riw (striped pattern).

The method of wearing Som Pak differs from the regular chong kraben (wrapped loincloth) due to the fabric’s greater length and width. To begin, the cloth is divided into a short side and a long side. The short side is measured as for a normal chong kraben and the edge is tucked in as the first step. The longer side is then folded to match the short side and brought toward the body. The excess fabric at the upper edge is tucked under the first tuck, pulled upward to create a fabric edge shaped like an elephant’s mouth — this pulling is called chak pok (pulling the edge). The fabric edges differ in thickness: the right side has a single fold, while the left side has a double fold. These two edges are overlapped and rolled into a shape similar to a regular chong kraben but thicker. The garment is then pulled through the legs and tucked in at the waistband just like the ordinary chong kraben.

In documents from the Ayutthaya period, the term “kiao” frequently appears in regulations concerning the attire of government officials. Somdet Chao Fa Krom Phra Naritsaranuwattiwong defined “kiao” as a waistband, while “kiao lai” specifically refers to a patterned waistband.

Yan Phat-style Waistband Wrapping
Wrapped Waistband Tying
Wrapping the Headcloth
Wrapping the Gelai Cloth
(Image sourced from the book Thai Dress: Evolution from Past to Present, Volume 1)

There was a style of wearing cloth called “Nung Baep Kiao Gelai” (wearing in the kiao gelai style), which required two patterned pieces of fabric. Somdet Chao Fa Krom Phra Naritsaranuwattiwong defined it as follows:

“One piece is worn as a chong kraben (wrapped loincloth), while the other is worn as a waistband (kiao). The waistband is tied by pulling the back portion wide to cover down to the buttocks. At the front, it is gathered and knotted; one side of the cloth’s edge is tied at the knot, while the other side is left to drape loosely downward, then folded back and tucked into the waistband, resembling a bag hanging in front of the leg. It is understood that the wrapped cloth is called the ‘nung’ (loincloth), and the tied cloth is called the ‘kiao’ (waistband). Previously, the nung and the kiao were probably different types of fabric — the nung was wider, and the kiao was narrower. Later, this distinction was lost, and people sometimes used the nung cloth itself as the waistband, leading to some confusion in terminology, with the cloth being called either patterned nung or patterned kiao accordingly.”

The term “kiao” also applies to wearing a sash or belt over a shirt. When a sash is worn over the outer garment, it is called kiao. If a silver or gold belt is used, it is called kiao pan neng (belt sash). If a decorative cord is used, it is called kiao rad prakot (cord-tied sash). When an embroidered cloth called jiarabat is used, it is referred to as kiao jiarabat.
(Source: Thai Dress: Evolution from Past to Present, Volume 1, 2000: pp. 208, 214–216)

Commoner Men’s Attire
Commoner Men’s Attire
(Image sourced from the book Somdet Phra Chao Taksin Maharaj)

13.1.3 Commoner men’s attire included wearing chong kraben (wrapped loincloth), thok Khmer style pants, loi chai style pants, or sarong with a waistband. Most men kept their hair short and commonly wore hats during warfare, presumably for protection against weapons.

  • Women’s attire

  • Female court officials (royal ladies-in-waiting)

For the inner court officials’ attire or women’s clothing, silk fabrics were worn in graduated ranks according to status, with different types of silk named after their patterns, such as Phrae Dara Korn Lew, Phrae Jamruat, Phrae Khaorop, Phrae Lai Thong, and Phrae Dara Korn. One could identify an official’s rank by their garments and fabric types as follows:

  • Queen Consort: wore golden-patterned silk skirts, matching blouse, and golden footwear

  • Royal Consorts: wore golden-patterned silk skirts, matching blouse, and golden footwear

  • Royal Princesses: wore Phrae Dara Korn silk skirts, matching blouse, and velvet footwear

  • Luang’s children: wore Phokla gold-patterned blouses (did not wear footwear)

  • Luang’s grandchildren: wore Phrae Dara Korn Lew silk blouses

  • Royal concubines: wore silk of various colors

  • Wives of officials ranked higher than ministers: wore Phrae Khaorop silk skirts

  • Wives of minister-ranked officials: wore Phrae Jamruat skirts and blouses

  • Ladies-in-waiting (Nang Nai): wore pleated skirts and draped shoulder cloths (sabai)

These garments were prescribed to be worn only during royal ceremonies. On ordinary days, everyone wore similar simple cloth wraps and drapes.

Ladies in the reign of King Rama IV (circa 1801–1868 CE) wore chong kraben (wrapped loincloth) secured with a gold belt adorned with a jewel-studded clasp. They draped a sabai (shoulder cloth) pleated with Chinese silk.
(Image sourced from the book Thai Dress: Evolution from Past to Present, Volume 1; Album of Thailand)
  1. Commoner women typically wore chong kraben in dark colors such as black or dark green (tapun green). They draped a sabai diagonally across the shoulder, with accessories including bracelets, pendants, necklaces, rings, and belts. Hairstyles were generally short winged cuts, though some evidence shows that the winged shoulder-length style was still occasionally worn.
    (Source: Somdet Phra Chao Taksin Jom Bodin Maharaj, unpublished, pp. 135–138; Siam Arya 1(4), October 2002, pp. 87–88 by Apisit Laisatru Klai, and Foundation for Preservation of Ancient Monuments in the Old Palace, 2000, pp. 116–120)

Note:
In late Ayutthaya, women’s hairstyles had four main styles:
a) Central bun on top of the head
b) Winged hairstyle
c) Raised hair with rak krang (a hair accessory)
d) Shoulder-length hair

Women often combined the winged and shoulder-length styles, with the top of the head styled in wings and the hair flowing down to the shoulders on both sides. Additionally, the winged style was sometimes incorporated into the bun hairstyle.

Terid
(Image sourced from the book Somdet Phra Naresuan Maharaj)

It is also observed that the winged hairstyle (pom piik) might have been worn beneath a head ornament, such as a terid (ceremonial crown) or other types of crowns.

The practice of wearing shoulder-length winged hair among women is believed to have originated in the royal court and gradually spread to the general population. After the fall of Ayutthaya, women reportedly cut their hair short to just the winged style for practical reasons—facilitating combat and disguising themselves as men. At that time, aesthetic considerations were less important, as the closer they resembled men, the safer they were.

In later periods, the winged hairstyle involved cutting the hair short around the crown in a circular shape following the hairline to form the “wings,” while shaving the remaining hair, leaving only a patch resembling banyan tree roots (rak sai). Wearing the winged hairstyle alone still appears occasionally, such as in depictions of the Vessantara Jataka procession, believed to have been painted in late Ayutthaya.

For children, it was customary to wear their hair in a topknot. When they grew older and the topknot was cut off, a circular hairline or hair whorl remained where the knot had been tied, surrounding the rest of the hair. This is called the “rai phom” (hairline). The rai phom refers to the area where hair was either plucked or shaved, such as the rai wong na (frontal hairline) and rai juk (topknot hairline).

The rai wong na helped to shape the face, creating a clean, rounded contour like a full moon. The rai juk, which remained on the scalp, indicated youthfulness. Women who wished to preserve their youthful appearance often plucked the hair around the rai juk in a neat circle at the crown of the head. This practice is reflected in phrases such as “applying oil to the hairline” and “a smooth, well-maintained hairline.”

Noblewomen traditionally wore the winged hairstyle (pom piik), a style that Thai women have worn since ancient times. Unlike men, women groomed their hairline above the forehead to enhance beauty and often styled side locks called jon hu (ear curls), sometimes referred to as pom tat (hair ornament).
This winged hairstyle persisted until the reign of King Rama V, when fashion shifted toward long hair in accordance with royal preference. Later, the dok kratum hairstyle (a floral-inspired hairdo) became popular.
(Reference: Thai Dress in the Rattanakosin Era; Image from the National Archives, photographer and date unknown; also from Album of Thailand)

The term “pom piik” (winged hairstyle) refers to a specific way of styling hair where the hairline around the head is clearly defined and combed either with a center part or swept back, depending on what is considered most attractive. The style often includes side locks or jon. It is called the “winged hairstyle” because the sharply defined edges of the hairline resemble the shape of wings.

Siamese nobility during the reign of King Rama IV, as described in Karl Dohring’s Siam (page 28), provides a fine example of the traditional winged hairstyle with two side locks (jon)—a style rooted in ancient customs.
(Image sourced from the book Album of Thailand)

“Jon pom” refers to a feature of the winged hairstyle where a long lock of hair is left to hang beside the ear and tucked behind it, thus called “jon hu” or “jon pom.” Those who wore the jon hu typically had to keep the rest of their hair short to complement this style.

As for women’s beauty practices recorded in historical natural and political chronicles from the reign of King Narai, they included: Dyeing their teeth black, Growing long nails, Coloring their nails and fingertips red

Additionally, tattooing was a cultural practice particularly valued among men, as documented in the Lalubér (Laloubère) archives.

The practice of dyeing teeth black was recorded by Nicolas Chéruel in his Natural and Political History during the reign of King Narai the Great. He documented the Siamese people’s customs and beliefs regarding blackened teeth as follows:

What Siamese women could not bear to see in us was that we had white teeth, for they believed that only spirits and ghosts possessed white teeth. It was considered shameful for humans to have white teeth, likened to wild animals. Therefore, when men and women reached the age of 10 to 15 years, they would begin the practice of blackening their teeth to a glossy shine by the following method:

After selecting the person for this ceremony, they were made to lie on their back on the ground and remain in that position for three days throughout the ritual. The first step involved cleaning the teeth with lime juice, then rubbing a certain red-colored solution on them. Afterwards, the teeth were polished with burnt coconut shell, turning them black.

Women undergoing this dental treatment often became very weak because of the harsh chemicals used. They would be so numb that pulling out a tooth caused no pain, and sometimes teeth would fall out when chewing hard food. During these three days, only cold rice porridge was consumed, slowly poured down the throat without touching the teeth. Even a slight breeze could spoil the ceremony, so the patient was carefully covered and kept warm until the pain and swelling in the gums and mouth subsided and returned to normal.

This account reflects the Western worldview and is one of several hypotheses explaining the blackened teeth of the Siamese. Cheruel’s detailed description likely stems from observations made in multiple places, framing his view with those experiences, which means it might not be universally accurate.

In reality, evidence from the Sukhothai period shows that both men and women in Siam chewed betel quid, which stained lips red and teeth black—likely a key reason for black teeth in late Ayutthaya Siam.

Regarding nail dyeing and lengthening, Cheruel noted that Siamese people used the same solution to stain nails and pinkies red. Only high-status individuals kept long, dyed nails, as workers needed short nails for labor, marking a clear social distinction.

The exact method and materials for nail dyeing are unclear but probably involved natural plant dyes, such as the bright orange dye from the stem of the kandikan flower.
(Reference: Thai Dress: Evolution from Past to Present, Vol. 1, 2000, pp. 220–221)

13.2 What were the royal initiatives in the arts, and what was the nature of the arts during the Thonburi period?

Due to the Second Fall of Ayutthaya, many Thai craftsmen were scattered, lost, or killed. A significant number were captured and taken away by the Burmese. Thus, by the Thonburi period, only a few skilled artisans remained. King Taksin of Thonburi had to rely on newly trained and revived craftsmen to construct various permanent structures and artistic objects, both for religious purposes and for royal administration. These efforts were largely carried out by his military and civilian officials, all of whom were knowledgeable in craftwork. It is believed that the King gathered craftsmen from all disciplines to Thonburi to train a new generation. The craftsmen of this era passed down and contributed greatly to the early Rattanakosin period.

Craftsmanship during the Thonburi period was newly reestablished and time for craftsmanship was very limited due to ongoing wars, leaving little time for recovery. The creation of art and artifacts was rushed to meet urgent needs. Furthermore, King Taksin’s reign lasted only 15 years. Therefore, truly exquisite and refined works from the Thonburi period are very rare.

The arts of the Thonburi period can be divided into four categories:

13.2.1 Ships: Shipbuilding flourished during the Thonburi era, including warships, merchant junks, and procession boats used in royal service. In King Taksin’s reign, the royal barges included:

  • Burlang Kaew Chakrapat 

  • Sri Sawat Ching Chai

  • Bunlang Bussak Pimarn 

  • Phiman Mueang In 

  • Sampao Thong Tai Rot

  • Sri Sammat Chai

After King Taksin of Thonburi restored the kingdom’s independence, He graciously ordered the construction of new royal ceremonial barges as follows:

  • Suwannaphichai Nawathai Rot
  • Srisaklad
  • Khom Yad Pit Thong Thueb (Source: Office for National Identity Promotion, 1996 : 112)

13.2.2 Painting in the Thonburi Period

Although the Thonburi era was a time largely occupied by intense warfare, there still existed several exquisite and finely crafted paintings left as lasting memorials. Among the most important pieces, which are still preserved at the National Library of Graphics on Thawathiwat Road, Bangkok, is the “Tri-Poom Buran Illustrated Manuscript, Thonburi Edition” created in 1776 (B.E. 2319).

The “Tri-Poom Illustrated Manuscript” is a picture book written based on Buddhist teachings. Such manuscripts have been traditionally produced since ancient times, and several editions survive today as national cultural heritage, including those from the Ayutthaya and Thonburi periods.

Creating a “Tri-Poom Illustrated Manuscript” is a challenging task. It requires not only the accurate inclusion of Buddhist scriptures but also skilled painters to illustrate the entire volume. The illustrations depict hell, heaven, and various realms correctly and beautifully, making the manuscript visually captivating.

This type of book relies heavily on the paintings as its core element throughout. The creator of such a manuscript must be either a monarch or a person of great power and prestige who genuinely loves and is deeply devoted to both art and Buddhism.

Depiction of the Tavatimsa Heaven (Heaven of the Thirty-Three Gods) — where those who respect and revere their parents and elders of the family, and who possess generosity (non-greed) and great patience (forbearance), will be reborn.
(Image from the book: “King Taksin and the Role of the Chinese in Siam”)

In the section of the Ancient Tri-Purusha Illustrated Manuscript, Thonburi edition, the origin is recorded as follows:

“In the year 2319 of the Buddhist Era, 4 months and 26 days past, on a Tuesday, in the 11th lunar month, the 13th day of the waxing moon, Chula Sakarat year 1138, the year of the Monkey, in the Auttasak era, His Majesty the King (Borommakot) left the throne at the Thep Mansion, Thonburi Sri Mahasamut. Many royal attendants were present.

He examined the stories in the Tri-Purusha manuscript and, with royal intention, wished commoners and monks of the four orders to understand the three realms and the five destinies — the origins of devas, humans, hells, the asuras, preta, ghosts, and animals.

Therefore, he commanded Chao Phraya Sri Thammathirat, the Grand Prime Minister, to prepare fine manuscripts and send them to painters to illustrate the Tri-Purusha. The work was to be done at the Supreme Patriarch’s residence (the first Supreme Patriarch of Rattanakosin), at Wat Bang Wa Yai (present-day Wat Rakhang).

The Supreme Patriarch was to supervise and instruct the painting and inscription to follow precisely the Pali scriptures, with clear and complete explanations, so that it would serve as a proper moral guideline thereafter.”

Thus, the Supreme Patriarch oversaw the creation of the illustrations and captions in the Tri-Purusha manuscript to ensure accuracy, orderliness, and strict adherence to the canonical texts.

This Tri-Purusha illustrated manuscript is therefore considered the definitive standard edition: beautiful in artwork, excellent in content, and comprehensive in all aspects.

The painters who dedicated their exquisite skills to fulfill the royal trust in this work were four persons:

  • Luang Phetwakam
  • Nai Nam
  • Nai Boonsa
  • Nai Ruang

Additionally, there were four scribes who assisted in writing the explanatory captions accompanying the illustrations:

  • Nai Boonjan
  • Nai Chet
  • Nai Son
  • Nai Thongkham

In the creation of the Traiphum Illustrated Manuscript, His Majesty King Taksin of Thonburi graciously ordered the work to be carried out with exceptional care, meticulousness, and strict attention to detail. In summary, the royal intention behind producing this ancient Traiphum manuscript was to provide the general populace with a correct and accurate understanding of heaven and hell as taught in the Pali scriptures. This would encourage everyone to diligently perform good deeds and refrain from evil actions, guided by the teachings of Buddhism for generations to come.

Depiction of Two Types of Pretas (Hungry Ghosts):
Those who incur sin by speaking disrespectfully of the Buddha Kassapa.
Those who incur sin by hoarding water and not sharing it with humans and animals.
(Image from the book “King Taksin the Great and the Role of the Chinese in Siam”)

This Traiphum Illustrated Manuscript of the Thonburi period is considered one of the largest Traiphum manuscripts in Thailand. When fully unfolded, it stretches to a length of 34.72 meters, with exquisitely detailed paintings in color on both sides of the manuscript pages.

The dozens of illustrations contained in this Traiphum manuscript are exceptionally beautiful and impressive, making it difficult to find any other Traiphum manuscript that surpasses it in excellence.

There were two such Traiphum manuscripts commissioned by His Majesty during his reign. The other copy is currently preserved at the National Museum in Berlin, West Germany, having been acquired from Thailand in 1893 (B.E. 2436).

These two Traiphum manuscripts clearly demonstrate that King Taksin of Thonburi was not only the liberator who restored the nation’s independence but also a restorer of artistic craftsmanship, Buddhism, and the moral values of the people. (Sethuon Supasophon, 1984: 6-7, 93-94) In addition to the Traiphum Illustrated Manuscript, there are also mural paintings on the walls of the Phuttha Isawan Throne Hall.

13.3.3 Fine Arts
During the Thonburi period, there were skilled artisans specializing in lacquer work, ornamentation, carving, sculpture, and painting. Important fine art pieces from this era include four lacquered cabinets with water gilding patterns (ตู้พระไตรปิฎกลายรดน้ำ) housed in the Vajirayan National Library, Thawatsukri, Bangkok. There are also several other lacquered cabinets with similar patterns and craftsmanship, indicating that they were likely created around the same time. These lacquered cabinets originated from Wat Ratchaburana, Wat Chantharam, and Wat Rakhang Kositaram, demonstrating that lacquer work with gold leaf water gilding was another branch of fine arts revived during the Thonburi period.

Additionally, there are mother-of-pearl inlaid Tripitaka cabinets located in the mandap and the hall of the Dharma Throne at Wat Phra Sri Rattana Satsadaram (the Temple of the Emerald Buddha).

Buddha Image of King Taksin the Great’s Reign (in a simple robe style)
(Image from the book Analysis of the History of Buddhist Worship and Buddha Art in Asia)

Casting:
King Taksin the Great commanded Luang Wijit Narumon to sculpt a Buddha image according to the specified Buddhist iconography. He then had a standing bronze Buddha image and a meditation posture Buddha image cast, such as the principal Buddha image in the ubosot (ordination hall) of Wat Mahathat.

Carving works:
These include the royal bed platform and the platform used for meditation practice (Vipassana).

  1. The royal bed platform of King Taksin the Great, which is enshrined inside a small viharn (chapel) at Wat Intaram near Talat Phlu on the Thonburi side. It is made of two joined wooden boards, measuring 1.76 meters wide, 2.48 meters long, and 5 centimeters thick. The balustrades are made of ivory, and there are intricately carved ivory panels featuring pudtan floral patterns decorating the balustrades all around. It is also equipped with posts for a mosquito net (called “Wisut”).

2. The platform for meditative practice (Vipassana), which is enshrined inside the small ordination hall (Bot Noi) in front of the prang (spire) at Wat Arun Ratchawararam on the Thonburi side, near the old royal palace. This is the original ordination hall of the temple, built since the Ayutthaya period, alongside the original prang (the current prang was built in the reign of King Rama III).

This platform was made from a single wooden plank, measuring 7 feet wide and 20 feet long. Both platforms (the royal bed platform and this meditation platform) are crafted simply and plainly, without any special ornamentation or beauty. Archaeologists consider the craftsmanship somewhat coarse, indicating that these works were made by artisans whom King Taksin had revived and trained anew, but who had not yet attained the skill level of master craftsmen.

The door panels of the ubosot porch and the door panels of the viharn porch at Wat Phra Sri Rattana Satsadaram
(Image from the book The Grand Palace)

In addition, there is a bench from Klaeng District, Rayong Province, which is preserved at the National Museum, Bangkok. Also, there are mother-of-pearl door panels at the ubosot of Wat Phra Sri Rattana Satsadaram and the northern mondop.

13.3.4 Ceramics in the Thonburi Period (corresponding to 1768–1782 CE)

When King Taksin ascended the throne at Thonburi, trade with China began to expand. During this period, Thailand continued to import ceramic ware from China for use. Most of these were Benjarong bowls decorated with Thep Nom patterns and Narasingh motifs, featuring white glaze on the inside, unlike the green glaze common during the Ayutthaya period.

Benjarong Ceramics

During the Ayutthaya period, after the second fall of Ayutthaya in 1767 (B.E. 2310), Chinese ceramics featuring five-color overglaze painting using white, black, red, yellow, and green or blue known as Benjarong, became prominent in Thailand.

Benjarong refers to ceramics with intricate painted patterns on glaze, specially commissioned by the Siamese royal court from Chinese craftsmen. The designs were traditional Thai motifs sent from the Siamese court for Chinese artisans to replicate. Over time, Benjarong ceramics gained widespread popularity among the Thai nobility and aristocracy.

Benjarong Ware
(Image from the book: “King Taksin the Great, Sovereign of the Land”)

Benjarong Ware was elaborately decorated with full patterns, leaving no empty space. During the Ayutthaya period, common motifs included Thepphanom, Narasimha, and flame scrolls, with interiors glazed in green. Later designs featured Rachasri, Garuda, Hanuman, and Kinnari, along with floral and vine motifs. Some patterns were drawn by Phra Ajarn Daeng of Wat Hong Rattanaram and sent to China to produce tiles used at Wat Ratchabophit. (Source: Phusadee Thapthats, 1999)

13.3 Architecture: What kinds of constructions were built during the Thonburi period?

During the reign of King Taksin of Thonburi, it was a time of rebuilding the nation. Numerous constructions were undertaken, including palaces, fortresses, city walls, and royal temples. The architectural style of this period largely continued from the late Ayutthaya era. Building bases featured soft curves like the hull of a Chinese junk, with structures tapering elegantly upwards. Other architectural elements closely resembled those of the Ayutthaya style. Unfortunately, many Thonburi-era buildings were repeatedly restored in later reigns, so their current appearances mostly reflect the style of the most recent restorations. Original traces still evident today include Fort Wichai Prasit, the walls of the old palace, the royal audience hall and twin pavilions in the former royal palace, as well as temples both in the capital and provincial towns that were restored during King Taksin’s reign—later renovated again in subsequent periods. Still, certain structures like the ordination hall and small viharn at Wat Arun, ordination hall and old viharn at Wat Ratchakhrue, the old ordination hall at Wat Intharam, the Red Pavilion at Wat Rakhang Kositaram, and the ordination hall at Wat Hong Rattanaram, retain features representative of Thonburi-period architecture.

Note:

  1. Wat Arun Ratchawararam, located on the west bank of the Chao Phraya River, at the mouth of Khlong Mon and across from Tha Tian Market, is one of Thailand’s most beautiful temples, showcasing Thai craftsmanship from late Ayutthaya through early Rattanakosin.

History of the Temple:
Wat Arun dates back to the Ayutthaya period and was originally called Wat Makok, later changed to Wat Makok Nok, and eventually became Wat Chaeng. It was elevated to the rank of a royal temple by King Taksin, who, after the fall of Ayutthaya, broke through the Burmese lines and arrived at this temple in Thonburi at dawn. Thus, the temple was renamed Wat Chaeng (“Temple of Dawn”). After achieving independence in 1768 (B.E. 2311), he declared Thonburi the capital and expanded the royal palace grounds to Khlong Nakhon Ban, placing Wat Chaeng within the palace boundary. Monks were no longer permitted to reside there, and the temple’s territory became part of the royal compound. King Taksin then renovated the ordination hall and viharn of Wat Chaeng as best as possible within his 15-year reign.

Later, during the Rattanakosin era under King Rama II, the temple was further restored and renamed Wat Arun Ratchatharam. In King Rama IV’s reign, it was restored again and renamed Wat Arun Ratchawararam, the name it officially bears today.

Key Monuments at Wat Arun:
Several ancient structures at the temple are noteworthy, such as the ordination hall, which reflects Rattanakosin craftsmanship, especially from King Rama IV’s period. At the entrance are two demon guardians, each holding a mace—symbols of spiritual protectors warding off evil spirits. These figures reflect classical khon costume art and were sculpted by Phraya Hathakarn Banchach, though they have since been altered through restoration.

The entrance arch features a crown motif, and a cloister surrounds the ordination hall, housing Buddha images in the Maravijaya posture. The principal Buddha image, named Phra Phuttha Thammisarat Lokanath Dilok, is gilded and lacquered, with a lap width of 3 cubits and a span. Interestingly, its face was modeled by King Rama II himself. On either side sit two principal disciples in anjali posture. The interior murals depict the Buddha’s life story, while the inner doors and windows feature traditional Thai patterns.

Another structure is the viharn, housing Phra Champunuth Maha Burut Lakkhana Asiti Anubhapit, with Phra Arun (Phra Chaeng) placed in front. This smaller Buddha image, 50 cm wide at the lap, was brought from Vientiane by King Rama IV, as its name matched that of the temple. To the south of the temple lie the old ordination hall and small viharn, both containing historical relics. The old ordination hall features King Taksin’s meditation platform, crafted from a single plank of wood, measuring 1.67 meters in width. The small viharn enshrines the Chulamani Stupa relic.

Another major monument is the central prang (tower) of Wat Arun. King Rama II initiated its restoration, intending to increase its height from the original 16 meters, but passed away before construction began. King Rama III continued and completed it, including placing the crown spire. However, he too passed away before the consecration. The initial prang was designed by Phraya Ratchasongkram (That Hongsakul), a descendant of Ayutthaya-era artisans. Later, King Rama IV commissioned further improvements, especially the colored tile decorations, completed by Phraya Ratchasongkram (Kon Hongsakul), That’s son. The prang thus spanned the work of three reigns, incorporating restorations and additions up to the present day.

  1. Wat Intharam (formerly Wat Bang Yi Ruea Nok):

This temple held deep personal significance for King Taksin, who frequently performed religious rites, meditation, and retreats there. It is also the site of his cremation and enshrinement of his royal relics.

Today, Wat Intharam is a third-class royal temple located on Thoet Thai Road in Bang Yi Ruea Subdistrict, Thonburi District, Bangkok, covering an area of about 25 rai. Its founding date is unknown, but it is widely believed to date back to Ayutthaya. According to tradition, the Bangkok Yai Canal area in Ayutthaya times was thick with Sa-kae trees, forming dense woods, while the opposite bank was swampy with reeds—ideal for ambushes against careless enemy boats. The term “bang ying ruea” (ambush boats) likely evolved into “Bang Yi Ruea” over time.

Wat Intharam was paired with Wat Ratchakhrue (Bang Yi Ruea Nai). When King Taksin established Thonburi as the capital, he greatly favored this temple. He ordered extensive renovations, expanded its grounds, and elevated it to the highest class of royal temple, using it for major royal religious ceremonies. He donated large tracts of land for temple use, constructed 120 monk residences, restored images, the ordination hall, chedi, viharn, and donated Tripitaka volumes. He visited the temple at least five times for meditation retreats, and it was also the site for royal funeral rites, such as for his mother Queen Theppamat (Nok Iang).

The funeral ceremonies for his mother in B.E. 2318 (1775) were elaborate. A royal crematorium was built over two months, with the royal body transported to the temple on Tuesday, 2nd waning moon of month 6. The cremation took place on Thursday, 4th waning moon, lasting three days and nights, with over 20 traditional performances and 6,000 monks invited. Coinciding with the ceremony, Burmese general Azaewunki besieged Phitsanulok, prompting King Taksin to dedicate merit from the ceremonies to his mother once more the following year.

In B.E. 2319, King Taksin held another grand merit-making ceremony in her honor, gathering troops and support from Lopburi, Nakhon Sawan, Phichit, Phitsanulok, Kamphaeng Phet, Sukhothai, Chainat, Singburi, Ang Thong, Chachoengsao, Ratchaburi, Phetchaburi, and Suphanburi to assist the temple in this great religious celebration.

According to the royal schedule, on Tuesday, the full moon of the first lunar month, Year of the Monkey, B.E. 2319 (1776), following the completion of the royal crematorium and ceremonial grounds, and after the procession of the royal relics (Phra Borommathat) from the royal palace through Wat Moli Lok (Wat Tai Talat) to Bang Yi Khan, before being returned and placed at the pavilion in Wat Intharam, King Taksin commanded that the Central Treasury distribute royal donations to all participants in the ceremony. Men received one salueng, women received one fueang, while Phraya Maha Sena was entrusted with ten chang of silver to be distributed to the poor and beggars throughout both inner and outer city areas. The Sangkakari (religious officials) were also ordered to invite ten thousand monks to the ceremony, with 2,230 monks and 1,738 elder monks and novices recorded.

(The Chronicle of Thonburi by Phan Chan Numat (Choem) notes that these monks were invited regardless of sect or monastery. In the Royal Commentary by King Rama V, he clarified that “offering to ten thousand monks” referred to giving two bundles of rice per monk, not monetary offerings as in the Ayutthaya tradition.)


Antiquities and Monuments Related to King Taksin of Thonburi

  • Phra Chedi Ku Chat (The Nation-Saving Stupa)
    A stupa enshrining the royal relics (Phra Borommathat) of King Taksin, paired with another stupa containing the relics of his queen. These two chedis stand in front of the old ordination hall.

  • The Commemorative Buddha Image of King Taksin
    A Buddha image in the posture of Enlightenment (Buddha’s Victory), serving as the principal Buddha image in the old ordination hall. It also houses the royal cremated remains (sarira) of the king.

  • Ayutthaya-style Seated Buddha in Maravijaya posture
    This image resides in the small viharn adjacent to the old ubosot and is referred to as the Viharn of King Taksin.

  • Old Ordination Hall (Ubosot)
    Originally renovated by King Taksin, it originally had no windows. Later, Chao Khun Phra Thaksin Khanisorn, upon becoming abbot, had the walls cut open to create windows.

  • Viharn housing the royal meditation platform
    This structure contains the wooden sleeping platform of King Taksin and a replica statue of the king in meditative posture, housed in the Viharn of King Taksin the Great.

  • New Ordination Hall
    Constructed over the site where King Taksin’s royal remains were originally buried.

  • Additional prangs, stupas, and viharns were constructed or restored in periods after King Taksin’s reign. Many have deteriorated significantly, while others are currently under renovation or reconstruction.
    (Sanan Silakorn, 1988: pp. 123–125)

13.4 Literature

During the late Ayutthaya period, particularly after the reign of King Borommakot, Thai literature, which once flourished, gradually declined into obscurity once more. Following the fall of Ayutthaya to the Burmese in 1767 (B.E. 2310), the kingdom was left in ruins—its cities razed by fire, and it is highly probable that numerous ancient manuscripts were destroyed in the chaos. However, once King Taksin the Great had successfully restored national unity, Thai literature slowly began to regain its vitality. Yet, the Thonburi era spanned only fifteen years and was primarily devoted to rebuilding the nation; as such, literary production during this period was limited. Nevertheless, the works that remain are of considerable value.

It is widely accepted that peace and stability are the fertile ground for the flourishing of literature. Conversely, in times of war and national crisis, literary expression often withers. The reign of King Taksin was one of turbulence and relentless warfare, as previously mentioned. Yet King Taksin did not allow literature to languish under the weight of these challenges. On the contrary, he actively countered this decline and nurtured its revival. Thus, the Thonburi period unexpectedly became a time of remarkable literary creation.

The literature of the Thonburi era was directly influenced by that of the late Ayutthaya period. Existing works were used as models for composing new poetry. Consequently, Thonburi literature bore great resemblance to its Ayutthayan predecessors. Its defining features include:

  1. All surviving works are written in verse, employing every form of classical Thai prosody, including khlong (โคลง), chan (ฉันท์), kap (กาพย์), klon (กลอน), and rai (ร่าย).

  2. The themes predominantly emphasize religion, Buddhist teachings, moral instruction, royal eulogy, and elements of entertainment and delight.

  3. Each composition typically begins with an invocation or homage, showing reverence to sacred entities or figures. The narrative style favors elaborate description and emotional expression, often prioritizing aesthetic beauty over thematic depth or philosophical insight.

  4. Thai cultural values are clearly embedded throughout, including reverence for monarchy, loyalty to the king, adherence to Buddhism, and preservation of Thai customs and traditions.
    (Uthai Chaiyanon, 2002: 8–9)

13.4.1 Who were the poets of the Thonburi period?

Poets of the Thonburi period, besides King Taksin the Great himself, were primarily government officials and senior monks. The notable names recorded include:

  1. Phra Wanrat (Thongyu), who later became a teacher to King Rama II (Phra Buddha Loetla Nabhalai) and eventually left the monkhood to serve as Phra Pojanaphimol.

  2. Phra Phimontham of Wat Pho (Wat Phra Chetuphon), who later served as a teacher to Somdet Phra Maha Samana Chao Krom Phra Poramanuchit Chinorot, and was eventually elevated to Somdet Phra Wanrat.

  3. Phra Rattanamuni (Kaew), who later left monkhood to serve as Phraya Thammapreecha, progenitor of the Raktaprajit family.

  4. Nai Suan Mahadlek, who composed the “Khlong Yor Phra Kiat Somdet Phra Chao Krung Thonburi” in 1771 (B.E. 2314).

  5. Luang Sorawichit (Hon), the chief gatekeeper of Uthai Thani city, who later became Chaophraya Phra Khlang (Hon), Minister of the Fourfold Ministry of Trade under King Rama I. He authored Phetmongkut, based on the Vetala tales (the episode where Vetala tells the riddle about Prince Phetmongkut), and the I-nae Kamchan poem. He passed away in 1805 (B.E. 2348).

  6. Phraya Maha Nuphab (On), who composed the Nirat Guangzhou during his visit to China in 1781 (B.E. 2324). His work holds significant historical value, recording events and observations from his journey. He also composed three long poems.

  7. Phra Bhikkhu In from Nakhon Si Thammarat, who co-authored the Kamchan Krittana Son Nong with Phraya Ratchsuphawadi.

  8. Phraya Ratchsuphawadi, originally the chief of the Suraswadi Department in Ayutthaya, was appointed governor of Nakhon Si Thammarat, though the exact year is unclear. He was regarded as a leading poet during King Borommakot’s reign and lived into the Thonburi period. While serving as governor, he was charged and removed from office in 1765 (B.E. 2308). Later, from 1769 to 1776 (B.E. 2312–2319), he served as minister and royal commissioner of Nakhon Si Thammarat. When Chao Nara Suriyawong took office as governor, Phraya Ratchsuphawadi returned to serve at Ayutthaya.

These poets not only contributed to the literary heritage of the Thonburi period but also reflected the intertwining of state service and cultural creation under the restored Siamese kingdom.

13.4.2 What literary works did King Taksin the Great compose?

King Taksin the Great was more a warrior and liberator than a poet, as his reign was filled with warfare. However, as a farsighted ruler who valued literature, he used his leisure time to compose important literary works, most notably the Ramayana (Ramakien). The surviving portions of his compositions include scenes such as Hanuman entering Nang Wanarin’s chamber, Virun defeating Chamlang, King Maliwarat’s judgment, Thotsakan’s ceremony to burn the divine figure, the spear attack by Kabilpasat, Hanuman tying Thotsakan’s hair to Nang Montha, and releasing the horse Upakarn.

Besides literary works, King Taksin also edited or authored royal documents during his reign—such as royal letters, auspicious writings, proclamations, laws, military strategy manuals, weapon-making treatises, proverbs, royal protocols, and customs.

His Ramayana was inscribed on black folding books in gold script, executed with exquisite care. The colophon on each volume records the writing date as Sunday, waxing moon day 1, lunar month 6, Chula Sakarat 1132, Year of the Tiger (corresponding to 1749 BE/2313 CE), the third year of his reign. Later, court scribes recopied and restored these manuscripts, preserving the original layout but adding their names and restoration dates, such as Sunday, waning moon day 8, lunar month 12, Chula Sakarat 1142 (corresponding to 1759 BE/2323 CE). The restorers’ names and donors are also recorded, though unfortunately the original manuscript has not survived.

The Ramakien scene showing Hanuman stretching his body as a bridge for King Phra Phrot’s army to cross the great ocean back to Ayutthaya, painted in 1930.
This mural is located in Room 154 of the Phra Rabiang (royal cloister) at Wat Phra Si Rattana Satsadaram (the Temple of the Emerald Buddha) within the Grand Palace, Bangkok.
The artwork was created by the artist Suang Thimudom.
(Source: Rattanakosin Art from Reigns 1 to 8, Volume 1)

The origin of this royal composition stems from when His Majesty led the army to suppress the rebellion of the local rulers in Nakhon Si Thammarat in 1769 (B.E. 2312). At that time, the local lord along with key relatives fled to Thepha, which is in present-day Songkhla Province. The capital’s forces pursued them there.

The memoirs of Princess Narindradevi recount this episode:

“The powerful lord of the city, knowing the army was close, feared the royal might and sent the lord of the city along with his kin, female performers, silver ornaments, royal treasures, and various items as tribute.”

This means that, besides capturing the chief lord as a prisoner, the army also gained female performers as part of the spoils.

While the Thonburi army was trapped by the monsoon in Nakhon Si Thammarat and unable to return to the capital for several months, in the 12th lunar month of that year, King Taksin performed a grand royal ceremony to honor the city’s sacred relics. He also commanded the female performers of the local lord to participate in the festivities. This pleased His Majesty greatly and sparked a strong interest in theatrical arts, which he then nurtured and revived in Thonburi, as reflected later in the development of traditional dance and music.

Just one month after returning from Nakhon Si Thammarat, the King diligently composed the Ramakien drama within only two months, before having to lead another military campaign against the insurgent lord of Phra Fang in Uttaradit in the 6th lunar month of 1770 (B.E. 2313).

Given the short time available for composing such a high literary work, some flaws or less polished parts are understandable. This Ramakien drama is a direct royal composition by King Taksin himself, not adapted or rewritten by other poets (unlike the Ramakien of King Rama I). The work thus reveals His Majesty’s personality and wisdom very clearly.

In the 6th lunar month of 1770, the King also received reports from Uthai Thani and Chainat provinces concerning the misdeeds of the lord of Phra Fang. By the 8th lunar month, he led the royal army to suppress the rebellion. It is believed that King Taksin completed the four acts of the Ramakien during this period but made later revisions, as seen in marginal notes such as “still (bad, impolite) here” or “inserted by the King.”

If the Ramakien was completed before the campaign against Phra Fang and used during the celebratory event after capturing Sawang Khaburi — where, according to the memoirs of Princess Narindradevi, “female performers were brought to celebrate Phra Fang for seven days, then the King proceeded to Phitsanulok for the seven-day celebration of Phra Chinnarat and Phra Chinnasri with female performers” — it is possible that the Ramakien was performed based on King Taksin’s royal composition.

The fact that the King was so devoted to poetry, composing works despite nearly nonstop military duties, inspired contemporary poets to create their own works, even though the country had not yet fully returned to peace.

The purpose behind composing the Ramakien can be summarized as follows:

  1. To continue the royal tradition of promoting literature, with the monarch himself authoring works.

  2. To provide entertainment and joy to the people.

  3. To revive and preserve the important literary work of Ramakien, a significant tradition since the Ayutthaya period.

  4. To select episodes containing moral lessons appropriate to inspire and comfort the people at that time; additionally, to include teachings on Vipassana meditation—an area of deep royal interest—thus encouraging the populace toward mental peace and wellbeing.

  5. To create a royal drama for the royal theater, as customarily, Ramakien was performed. According to the Phan Chan Numas chronicle, when King Taksin led the army to capture Nakhon Si Thammarat in 1769 (B.E. 2312), he brought back the local lord and female performers to establish the royal theater, necessitating the royal composition of a drama script.

The original manuscript’s title page states that King Taksin composed this work in the year Chulasakarat 1132 (B.E. 2313). It is a poetic drama complete with song titles and dance sequences, comprising four parts (four volumes of traditional Thai folded manuscripts).

Part 1: “Phra Mongkut” (The Crown Prince)
This episode, the first royal composition, tells the story of Phra Mongkut and Phra Lob, the sons of Rama and Sita, living in the forest with the sage Valmiki after Sita’s exile. The sage grants them magical arrows. The princes test the arrows, which roar all the way to Ayutthaya. Rama sends the horse Upakara to demonstrate power. Phra Mongkut and Phra Lob ride the horse playfully. Bharata captures Phra Mongkut and offers him to Rama. Phra Lob rescues him, and they escape. The episode ends with Rama raising an army to capture the two princes.

Parts 2, 3, and 4 form a continuous narrative as follows:

Part 2 depicts Hanuman courting Nang Wanarin. The beginning of this episode is missing, so it starts with Hanuman encountering Nang Wanarin in the water. Nang Wanarin is a celestial maiden cursed to guide Hanuman to kill Wirun Cham Bang in order to break her curse. Hanuman marries her, then successfully kills Wirun Cham Bang. Afterwards, he escorts her back to the celestial realm. Thotsakan summons King Maleewarat to come to Lanka to assist him. This part ends as King Maleewarat arrives at the battlefield but refuses to enter Lanka.

Example excerpt from Hanuman courts Nang Wanarin:
“This noble lady, the foremost maiden of the heavens, doubt not — brother shall clarify for sister, just a little request, fair maiden.”

Part 3 is the episode where King Maleewarat acts as an arbiter. With righteous judgment, he summons both plaintiff and defendant, and Nang Sida, to the battlefield and decrees that Thotsakan must return Nang Sida. However, Thotsakan refuses, so King Maleewarat curses him.

Part 4 recounts Thotsakan’s ceremony of sprinkling sand and consecrating the spear “Kabilpasut.” Nang Manto urges Thotsakan to kill Phiphek, who has been prophesying and aiding Rama’s side. Phiphek flees to hide with Phra Lak. Phra Lak then uses the spear Moksak to defend himself. Hanuman must fly to obtain medicine from Mother Hin, who grinds herbs in the naga realm, while her son stays in Lanka. Thotsakan sleeps, enchanted by Hanuman, who breaks the top of the castle to steal Mother Hin’s son. Hanuman then mischievously ties Thotsakan’s hair together with Nang Manto’s, causing Thotsakan to be unable to untie it until the hermit Kobut is summoned to undo the knot.

Example excerpt from Hanuman ties Thotsakan’s hair with Nang Manto’s:
“Having conquered the ascetic practices, the diamond’s worth is but naught,
Both power and magical arts, and mind control combined,
With spiritual discernment, recalling past and future lives,
At that moment all shall perish—no escape at all…”

Episode Thepabut Phali battles Thotsakan

Phali recites the incantation, summoning the power of the demons.
By the blessing of the World Creator, he seizes victory in the fierce demon combat.

Thotsakan, weakened, struggles in the contest of glory,
Hungry and drained, the demon flees to Lanka city.

General characteristics of the Ramakien drama script

The royal authored Ramakien is a poetic drama written in old-style verse of the late Ayutthaya period,
Complete with songs and traditional dance movements for each scene. General characteristics are as follows:

1. Uses simple, everyday words throughout the story, suitable as a play for general audiences, as in the verse:

“The summons calls the heavenly court on high,
By ancient scrolls and sacred laws comply.
Let gods and sages swiftly render right,
Unveiling truth in clear and shining light.”

Thotsakan, the mighty lord, denies the claims,
Disputes the witness and their honored names.
He doubts if Sita came of her own will,
And questions words with skeptic’s wary skill.

The heavenly hosts stand firm, their oath they swear,
No falsehood dwells within the words they bear.
“If I lie and doom myself to endless strife,
Know that I speak the truth, no hint of lies.
Though wrath may rise for your unjust disgrace,
Still truth shines forth and falsehood finds no place.
Sita stands present, pure and undefiled,
No fraud or trickery has been compiled.
In sage’s court, her tale was oft retold,
Returned to reign in splendor, proud and bold.
With rites and bows raised high in sacred rite,
All summoned forth to witness holy light.
Who lifts these tokens gains the sovereign’s prize,
And crowds assemble ‘neath the watching skies.”

The verse style in the royal composition often favors simple, everyday language, At times resembling the folk dramas once performed widely. For example, the scene where Thao Maliwarat hears Thotsakan’s twisted defense,
Claiming the theft of Nang Sida from Phra Ram.

Then heard the sacred Phra Borommaraksa,
The mighty guardian, fierce in righteous cause,
The words of Inthrachit, twisted in deceit,
A crafty speech to mask the truth’s defeat.

“Is this a thing misplaced, or lost in woods,
That one should find it midst the silent woods?
Or has some other seized the lady fair,
And left her far away in wild despair?”

He feared the demon lord might think her spouse,
And cast her off to flee, to hide, to drowse.
Yet surely this suspicion does not hold,
Nor fits the tale so rashly told.

’Tis clear the lady wandered lost and torn,
Her heart confused, her fate forlorn and worn…”

These royal compositions reveal a mind keen and agile, fearless before all, favoring frankness and direct speech, disliking circumlocution, yet delighting in playful wordcraft at times.

In many passages, the language is blunt and straightforward—like a sharp axe cleaving truth—using plain, vernacular words that strike straight to the heart. Especially in the scolding and admonishing scenes, such as when Thao Maleewarat fiercely rebukes Tosakanth for his deceit in the matter of stealing Nang Sida from Phra Ram.

Then rose the just and righteous Tosadharma,
Fierce in wrath, he scolded the demon lord:
“Thou knave, a thief who steals another’s wife,
What aid can madness grant to wicked strife?

When thou hast crept and stolen in the night,
What courage then to show thy brazen face?
If thou should meet her rightful wedded lord,
Would’st thou not cease thine evil, loose thy grip?

Say, was she truly lost amid the wild?
Judge now, and answer for thy deeds defiled…”

Another episode where Thao Maleewarat admonishes and consoles Tosakanth shows not only stern, common words of reprimand and instruction but also weaves in a lighthearted, playful mood about a woman ambushing boats.

Hear now the words my grandsire spoke,
That honor and great glory thou shalt claim;
What care hast thou for fair Sida’s fate?
O mighty demon, heed not her name.

Though she comes from realms divine and bright,
A mortal shadow in her gentle mien,
No crown shall bind thee, nor love’s soft chain,
O demoness, be loosed from longing keen.

One radiant maiden, queen of demon hordes,
Fair as the pearl’s resplendent light,
Enchanting, stirring hearts and minds,
Most lovely maid beyond all sight.

Yet once she was but youthful bloom,
Even aged Manto’s cherished kin,
A foremost poetess of artful craft,
Whose words did dance with playful sin.

If thou dost spurn my counsel wise,
To fiery hell thou surely descend,
For ruin waits on stubborn pride—
What need hast thou for Sida, friend?

2. Not favoring vowel rhymes, still adhering to the common script conventions popular in the Ayutthaya era.

Then spoke the mighty lord, the four-armed Yaksha,
Beholding fair Yida, his heart enraptured by desire.
He brimmed with passion for the maiden’s grace,
Fierce and restless, aflame with fervent longing.
His gaze fixed intently upon her youthful form,
Unable to avert his eyes or let her slip away.

“Oh, Yida, radiant as the moon’s own light,
How wondrously fair, how splendid your beauty!
Though born of sixteen heavenly chambers,
None can match the peerless Yida’s charm.

I, the seer of the tenfold dharma,
Firmly resolved to claim this shining prize.
What care have I for the foul Asura?
Surely, I shall lead him to his doom.”

3. Insert knowledge and insights on Vipassana meditation, showing that while composing the royal literary work, He was already studying or had begun practicing Vipassana. For example, when the hermit Kobutra spoke to Tosakanth, saying

The sage thus spoke of karma’s debt,
That binds the lord of demons’ debt;
To mend the rites with swift dispatch,
And cleanse the stains of coarse disgrace.

Striving to lessen burning flames,
To purge the mind of foul defames,
Entering deep the soul’s insight,
Pure precepts grown in wisdom’s light.

The virtue of true conscience bright,
A weapon strong against the blight—
Thus is the law of noble mind,
The foremost sword to punish crime.

A distinctive and rare quality found uniquely in the Ramakien composed by King Taksin of Thonburi is its frequent emphasis on Dharma and supernatural powers. This reflects His Majesty’s profound wisdom and royal character, showing his deep devotion to the Dhamma and dedicated practice of samatha-vipassana meditation.

When describing the character of Thao Maliwarat, the text often refers to him with lofty titles such as “Phra Thong Tham Thiraj” (Dharma King), “Phra Kopkit Tham” (King who performs Dharma), “Phra Thong Thot Tham Rangsi,” or “Phra Thong Jatusi Yak” (Four-Virtue Yak King), among others. Some passages suggest that the king wove his personal spiritual practices into the narrative. For example, the episode where Lord Shiva sits in meditation and discusses Dharma with a hermit:

“One day she sat,
Upon the radiant throne,
Conversing on noble truths,
With the wise sage Nararotthi.”

This passage reflects King Taksin’s own disposition — a deep enthusiasm for understanding the meanings and teachings of the Dharma. During moments of respite from royal duties, he delighted in engaging in sincere spiritual discussions with monastic dignitaries, and even with religious figures from other faiths, such as French missionaries and Islamic teachers (Tok Kru), as documented in various chronicles and historical records.

The episode where Nang Mantho comforts Thotsakan, who is disheartened because Thao Maliwarat refuses to side with him, skillfully weaves in the teachings of Dharma with great subtlety and depth.

The royal crown of the queen’s brow,
Let not passion’s flame consume,
Though mind may not be flawless,
Defilements still may loom.

Suffering and burning woes arise,
The hindrances that cloud the mind,
Unwholesome seeds entwined within,
Urging unrest to bind.

If sorrow’s cause should yet be found,
And pain in flames descend,
Victory or loss, a path is paved,
By actions one does send.

Yet still, by steadfast effort firm,
Let zeal be deeply sown,
By magic arts and spirits’ sway,
True truth be fully known.

Cleanse the mind from lust and stain,
Till all defilements cease,
Why clutch at what is not thine own—
Let go, and find release.

Especially in the episode where the hermit Phra Khobut teaches Tosakanth, it reveals clearly the profound wisdom of one highly accomplished in the Dharma. The language used is rich with elevated terms of Buddhist teachings. Moreover, it also reflects the presence of miraculous powers attained through diligent spiritual practice.

The venerable sage then spoke of karma’s might,
That it befits the great lord of the yaksha’s plight,
To swiftly amend the rites with care and grace,
To cleanse the stains of sin, and so efface.

Efforts to soothe the burning shame and blame,
To purge the impure from heart and flame,
Within the mind and spirit’s light,
Pure precepts bloom, a noble sight.

The shield of conscience firm and bright,
The first of punishments, just and right.
Then follows second, by renunciation’s way,
A stone that stills all shadows’ sway.

Transcending harm and common strife,
Fire and spear alike hold no life for the yaksha’s life.

All six heavens in the skies above,
How could one kill without knowing death’s true shove?
Do not count the slayer’s might,
For the soul itself suffers endless blight.

What shall be done, none can tell,
Cunning retreats to depths of hell.
Once the renunciation’s power is gained,
The shining gem of wisdom unchained.

Both might and mind’s knowledge combined,
Together with senses and soul entwined.
Recollection spans lives past and to come,
At that point, destruction is wholly done.

No hope remains for body or breath,
Beyond mere calculation of life and death.
Three worlds, three planes cannot entwine,
Swear this truth in a single time.

No demon’s glance can alter fate,
What use then Ram’s valor great?
Through ten directions and the triple sphere,
Fearless is he who wisdom holds dear,
If you desire, learn this here.

This royal composition, His Majesty King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) remarked upon, “These verses laid forth reveal the true heart of the Lord of Thonburi, Clearly showing his faith in valor’s art. And his delight in the practice of meditation and dharma.”

In another instance, His Majesty further noted, “…the passages amended by the Lord of Thonburi chiefly appear
Within the battle scenes and tales of supernatural arts in meditative practice.”

  1. This drama unfolds with concise precision, attuned to the gestures and movements of its performers. As in the scene where Hanuman battles Virunjamphong.

Virunjamphong, struck with sudden dread,
Knew the doom that swiftly spread.
He chanted spells of mystic art,
To slip away and thus depart.

Escaping from the warrior’s blade,
The demon’s shame in darkness laid.
He soared with might and magic grand,
Returning fierce to fight Hanuman’s stand.

Hanuman leapt with valiant force,
Their struggle matched in strength and course.
Virunjamphong struck but could not fell,
Hanuman rose with magic’s spell.

He seized the staff with skill and might,
Virunjamphong sank from sight,
Then rose again to battle fierce,
With rage anew the fight to pierce.

The book “Collection of Exemplary Royal Compositions in Verse” by the Vajirayan Library explains at the end of King Taksin the Great’s royal compositions:

“King Taksin’s compositions for drama are considered difficult. It is said that how he composed was such that the verses were meant to be sung and danced accordingly. Sometimes the original verses were unsingable, which caused the composer to become frustrated.

King Chulalongkorn once recounted in his royal critique book that ‘King Taksin’s compositions differed greatly. It is said that some scenes caused loud outbursts of laughter, almost to the point of madness. Many verses in the scenes involving the monkeys were severely reprimanded, such as:

‘Used by day and also by night,
Sitting on watch by the firelight,
Beating armor, knocking wood,
Could not stay, so fled for good.’

The texts are relatively brief and concise because the King focused on the narrative itself. Therefore, there was no drawn-out or overly elaborate style as found in the Ramakien royal compositions of King Rama I, which are widely known. For example, a certain episode in King Taksin’s composition contains only 146 words, whereas the same episode in King Rama I’s version has 400 words. Comparing printed pages, King Taksin’s Ramakien is only 11 pages, but King Rama I’s version occupies as many as 50 pages.

This shows the King’s quick and straightforward nature; he preferred to speak directly and efficiently to convey the story clearly and promptly, emphasizing substance over style.

The expanded and grander narrative style in King Rama I’s Ramakien likely resulted from poets commissioned to elaborate on each episode, using King Taksin’s composition as a base, merely extending the content.

Hence, the stories are the same, but King Rama I’s version contains many more verses.

There are several parts where King Taksin expressed poetic emotions and aesthetic sensibilities, such as the scene where King Maliwong praises the beauty of Nang Sida, demonstrating an impressive and rich use of descriptive language. This particular composition is quite extensive, and one excerpt will be presented as an example below.

Then stood the lord, the four-armed demon king,
Beholding fair lady Sida, heart aflame with longing.
He harbored secret passion for her,
His fierce desire burning unchecked.
With searching gaze he marked her form,
Unable to turn away his eyes.

“O, fair Sida, radiant and peerless,
No match among the sixteen celestial maidens.
Yet I, who know the tenfold laws,
Still fix my heart upon your grace.

What care have I for yon demon thrall,
That I shall not lead him to his doom?

Alas, O Thotsakan,
Your clan shall surely perish.
Horses, chariots, warriors all shall fall,
Doomed by your love for Sida.

Though I strive to sever desire’s chain,
My spirit burns with restless fire.
Where could I find calm reason?
My soul tormented, beyond all change.

I behold not Sida, moon of virtue,
My conscience shamed by her pure light.
To twist my face away brings no escape,
Suppressing thoughts yet failing still.

I cannot help but smile through pain,
And whisper softly, ‘Come, fair Sida.’

O radiance of noble lineage,
Inspiring deepest love and longing,
You are the foremost of all maidens,
What king’s realm could boast your equal?

Why then do you dwell here apart?
Where now the royal sun’s bright line?

Do you have husband’s child?
Speak plainly, that I may know.”

Some passages skillfully weave in humor, such as the scene where Thotsakan converses with his queen, Nang Mantho, about the burning of the celestial effigies. The royal composition describes it thus:

The elder brother vowed to fashion effigies of the gods,
To worship and bring them swift destruction.
Within three days’ chants and rites complete,
The gods themselves would perish by his might.

No hardship lay in his conquest,
Smoothly would he slay and subdue all foes.
Yet he did not intend to destroy the celestial maidens,
For he meant to bring them safely to his realm.

What has been mentioned here reflects only a part of the profound insights. There remain many passages worthy of study and admiration in the royal literary endeavor of composing this play amid the turmoil of war and the unrest besetting the land. Despite the chaos pressing from all sides, His Majesty’s composition still holds remarkable literary value.

Thanit Yupho, former Director-General of the Fine Arts Department and an expert in traditional performing arts, provided keen reflections on King Taksin’s royal composition of the Ramakien in his 1941 article titled “Telling the Story of the Ramakien.” An important excerpt reads:

“In summary, the phrasing, poetic diction, and stylistic devices, as well as the character portrayals in this Ramakien narrative, serve as a clear mirror reflecting the royal temperament and disposition of the composer. It suggests a personality that is candid and straightforward, favoring decisiveness and swiftness. This is evident even in the placement of the musical sections, where boldness and daring coexist with calmness in perilous moments. Simultaneously, the work creates an engaging atmosphere that blends earnestness with entertainment. It also reveals a character satisfied with profound contemplation of high moral and philosophical truths, unwilling to settle for mediocrity—if something is to be attained, it must be attained fully or in large measure; if not, it is wholly rejected rather than accepted half-heartedly.

This is observable even in the poetic form and brevity of the verses, indicating a nature well-suited to leadership in those turbulent times…”

From the Ramakien royal composition as discussed here, it is evident that King Taksin was not only a brilliant warrior but also a learned royal poet of considerable wisdom and ability. (Sethuon Suphasopon, 1984: 76-80; Somphan Lekhaphan, 1987: 24-26)

Value

  1. Literary Value: Uses simple words easy to understand. The poetic form employs concise and straightforward diction, with a rapid and serious style. It may not sound very soft or gentle, but when expressing love, the words become tender.

  2. Religious and Moral Value: Offers meaningful teachings useful for daily life, such as emphasizing the value of ordination and the practice of Dhamma leading to spiritual attainment. (Uthai Chayanon, 2002: 8)

13.4.3 What type of Khlong did Nai Suan Mahadlek compose for the poem praising King Taksin of Thonburi? How long is it? And what is its subject matter?

Nai Suan Mahadlek was a court official during the Thonburi period whose personal history remains unknown. Judging from the content of his literary work “Khlong Prachao Yot Phra Kiat Somdet Phra Chao Krung Thonburi” (Poem Praising King Taksin of Thonburi), it is evident that he served closely with the King even before the establishment of the capital. He was well-informed about important events, understood the King’s behavior, and knew his character thoroughly.

This author left behind a precious literary work as a memorial: the “Khlong Prachao Yot Phra Kiat Phra Chao Krung Thonburi”, composed entirely in Khlong Si Suphab (four-line stanza) form, consisting of 85 stanzas in total.

The content of every stanza clearly shows the author’s admiration for King Taksin’s wisdom and ability, as well as his deep loyalty.

This set of Khlong is highly praised as one of the most beautiful poetic works, fitting as a royal tribute composed to honor the monarch.

Reading this poem not only provides literary enjoyment but also offers historical knowledge and essential insights. It serves as valuable documentation for investigating events during early Thonburi history.

Nai Suan praised Thonburi thus:

Like a true deity fashioned,
As if Vishvakarman’s craft from heaven,
Humbly granting power bestowed,
Exquisite grace that shines the world, blessed beyond measure.

Nai Suan Mahadlek composed this Khlong Yaw Phra Kiat in the year 2314 BE, the fourth year of King Taksin’s reign. This was a period when King Taksin had just successfully reunited the Thai kingdom and was preparing to extend his power to reclaim the vassal states that had once been under Thai rule, bringing them back under Thonburi’s sovereignty.

The poem narrates the founding of Thonburi, which was once a deserted land, but King Taksin established it into a complete city with a royal palace comprising various buildings such as the armory, elephant stables, courtrooms, royal dispensary, audience halls, and fortresses. It also mentions the king’s consorts of great beauty on both the right and left sides, as well as his capable ministers including the defense minister, prime minister, treasury officials, royal guards, police, and palace attendants.

The palace was alive with music, singing, and traditional dances. The poem also praises the king’s white elephants and fine horses. Through his wisdom and leadership, King Taksin successfully suppressed rebellions, bringing 104 cities under his royal grace.

Nai Suan Mahadlek began the poem by stating King Taksin’s fame, listing his titles, and recording the exact date when he commenced the composition, as follows:

Nai Suan Mahadlek, the royal servant,
The mighty lord and sovereign king,
Proclaims the tale of royal grace,
With humble homage, flowers he brings.
On the ninth month’s ninth waxing day,
In the year of the Rabbit’s sway.

The day this immortal literary work began was Tuesday, the 10th waxing day of the 9th lunar month, in the year of the Rabbit, Chulasakarat 1133, Trisak, corresponding to B.E. 2314. This was just before King Taksin of Thonburi embarked on his military campaign to subdue Phutthaimat and the Khmer lands, a campaign that lasted two months.

Thereafter, the poem offers a reverent homage, praising the glory of King Taksin with words chosen for their elegance and fitting honor.

With humble obeisance to the sovereign King,
The pillar of Ayutthaya’s famed domain,
I seek to proclaim these written words,
To honor His Majesty’s exalted reign,
Whose glory shines throughout the world,
Renowned and praised for boundless merit.

By virtue of the Lord Phuwanat,
The mighty ruler of the realm,
Endowed with power and wisdom rare,
A mind discerning, bright and firm,
His meditative insight vast,
Equal to the world’s greatest sage.

If one observes the later verses, it is clear that the poet greatly praises His Majesty’s practice of the Dhamma:
“Endowed with boundless wisdom and steadfast meditation, equal to the finest in the world.”

In verses 5 to 7, the narrative recounts the royal expedition, leading the naval forces from Chanthaburi to reclaim the kingdom, as follows:

The Threefold Wisdom, compassionate to all beings,
Sees their suffering and kindly moves the heart,
Observing the Buddha’s sacred teachings, fading not,
Aspires to uplift and revive lasting joy.

Thus, He leads the grand royal procession,
Crossing barren lands and wild forests,
Departing from Chanthaburi’s domain,
To settle in Thonburi, the royal city.

Intent on fulfilling the sacred mission,
To honor the gods with fitting homage,
The multitude of loyal subjects from the land,
Come to seek the sovereign’s gracious protection.

Faithful they stand, preserving the realm,
With the King’s presence, the crown of the world,
Restoring peace and happiness once again.

The Establishment of Thonburi as the Capital

Thus was laid the firm foundation,
In Phum Chai’s sacred ground to stand,
Enduring through the ages vast,
A lasting realm on sacred land.

Thonburi, jewel of royal grace,
A city built with honored hand,
Where once the old grew wild and wild,
Now blooms anew, both bright and grand.

In this poetic series, verse 33 beautifully and fittingly extols the royal glory.

The sovereign power transcends
The royal lineage true,
Worthy of the white umbrella’s light,
A celestial hue.

A pillar strong to guide the world,
A heart of steadfast might,
With ancient merit shining bright,
Stronger than iron’s fight.

Verses 47 to 51 speak of the royal conferment of honors upon members of the royal family and the chief warriors close to the sovereign’s heart. These nobles were appointed as governors of various cities following the successful suppression of rebellions, with the uprising at Chao Phraya Fang being the final one in the year 2313 BE.

This passage stands as a valuable historical record, providing important evidence for investigating events during the reign.

The chief warrior was entrusted
With charge of the foremost city,
As the ranks of three and two
Were granted and assigned with honor.

Bestowed with titles grand and firm,
Their posts ordained in March,
Among the noble royal kin,
Their ranks established duly.

Lord Naranares Rueang, of the Rawi lineage,
By royal grace was bestowed to govern Patalibutr,
With steadfast loyalty to the sovereign’s will,
He held his place as set by royal decree.

Chao Phraya Anuchit Chue Asa,
Governor of Phitsanulok, resplendent and bright,
Chao Phraya Pichai Rajacha Suea Hae,
Ruler of Sawanlok, with a heart pure and true.

Chao Phraya Anurak Rueang Narongrut,
Presiding over Nakhon Sawan, clear and fair,
His might reaches heights beyond compare,
Chao Phraya Santhaklao granted the city of Santh.

Ranks and titles modestly bestowed,
Sufficient and fitting for their deeds,
By royal favor granted the stations,
Noble warriors within and without,
Governors of cities first, second, and third,
To care for and lead the people faithfully.

Chao Naranaret Rueang Rawi Wong” in this context refers to Chao Narasuriyawong, a royal nephew who had been entrusted with the governance of Nakhon Si Thammarat (referred to throughout this set of verses as “Muang Patalibut”) at that time.

Chao Phraya Anuchit Chuea Asa” refers to Chao Phraya Anuchit Asa, known in the Royal Chronicles as Phra Ya Anuchit Racha, who later became Chao Phraya Surasi Phitsanulathirat, ruling over Phitsanulok, the principal city of the northern provinces. He would eventually be known as Somdet Krom Phra Ratchawang Bowon Maha Surasinghanat during the reign of King Rama I.

Chao Phraya Phichai Racha, another distinguished military commander, was appointed Chao Phraya Sawankhalok, ruling over the city of Sawankhalok. He was a different person from “Luang Phichai Asa” or “Phraya Phichai Dap Hak”, the founder of the Wichayakhadka family, who at that time held the noble rank of Phraya Siharachadecho, and was later elevated to Phraya Phichai, ruling over the city of Phichai during the same period.

“Chao Phraya Anurak” refers to Chao Phraya Anurak Phuthon, who governed Nakhon Sawan, and later came to be known as Chao Phraya Nakhon Sawan. He was a trusted military commander known for his bravery and valor in warfare, beloved by the monarch even before Chao Phraya Chakri (later King Rama I).

Chao Phraya San, said to be an ancestor of the Paengsapha family, was appointed as the ruler of Sankhaburi.

Another passage mentions the subordinate cities during the early Thonburi period (circa 1770 CE / 2313 BE), which totaled 104 cities, and also records the submission and allegiance of certain tributary states, such as Pattani and Krung Si Sattanakhanhut (Vientiane, now in Laos), marking an important piece of historical evidence.

A gathering of sovereign lords of Ayutthaya,
From the southlands and the north, they came — all as one.
A hundred and four cities firm,
He appointed vassals to govern, glorifying the realm.

From many distant lands, they rose,
Tributaries bringing floral offerings in loyal prose,
Jewels and gleaming gold they bore,
All sent with reverence, to his royal court.

Even the lord of Sai, with heart sincere,
Offered homage with bowed head, full of praise and fear.

The prince of Patani, sovereign of his land,
Sent golden blossoms in his hand,
To present unto Ayutthaya’s crowned lord,
In awe and devotion, he entered under the royal accord.

The sovereign of Krung Si Sattanakhanhut,
A royal king, bearer of royal rank and seal,
Sent word in golden script to ease the flames of unrest,
Humbly offering floral tribute and golden blooms,
Seeking refuge beneath royal grace,
To sever sorrow, strife, and ill fortune.

Lords of every realm, with hands raised in reverence,
Sent garlands of gold, brought forth with devotion,
To present before the noble throne,
From all eight directions they came,
In homage and praise, united in loyal submission.

In verses 57–58, the poem delivers a eulogistic tribute to the glory and virtue of King Taksin of Thonburi, evoking deep admiration and heartfelt emotion, especially when reflecting upon the moment His Majesty purchased garments and food to give in charity to the destitute and impoverished subjects, who at that time filled the city in great number.

He alone, through merit and grace, nourished the people,
A father and mother to all across the land,
A sovereign and a teacher, guiding the world,
A source of sacred power and fortune, bestowing blessings to all.

A refuge for every soul,
A wellspring of compassion for the poor and needy,
A guide who leads all beings toward the city of liberation,
A provider of present wealth, spreading joy and contentment to every corner.

The closing verses of homage in this royal eulogy highlight qualities uniquely belonging to King Taksin of Thonburi—attributes not shared by any other monarch. This distinctiveness is captured clearly in the following two verses.

May the radiance of the All-Knowing Buddha bestow His blessing,
Exalting the royal crown with divine power,
Until the noble path to Enlightenment is complete,
And the five aggregates dissolve, entering the halls of Nirvana.

May the Lord of the Dhamma aid all gatherings of the faithful,
Eighty-four thousand teachings pointing the way,
May the Tipitaka swiftly dwell within the royal heart,
That His Majesty’s wisdom may awaken, clear and profound.

Before the work draws to a full and proper close, Nai Suan, the royal page and court poet under the grace of King Taksin of Thonburi, expresses his personal intention and earnest devotion in composing this set of verses in verse 84 (the entire set comprises 85 verses) as follows:

That sons of noble lineage in times to come
May know the glory and royal grace of the Crown,
Not merely by hearing tales retold,
But be moved to praise Him morning and night, beholding the fruits of His deeds with reverence.

Alright, here’s the tea on Nai Suan’s “Khlong in Praise of King Taksin of Thonburi” — it’s legit one of the most precious literary gems from the Thonburi era (Setuen Supasopon, 1984: 80-82).

General characteristics of this royal eulogy in khlong form:

  1. Uses simple, straightforward words that anyone can get — meaning’s crystal clear. But yeah, there’s some annoying repetition of certain phrases that kinda drags it down a bit.

  2. Shows effort to follow the classic khlong poetic rules, like consonance both within lines and across lines — the kind of craftsmanship you want in good traditional verse.

  3. The descriptions are detailed and well-structured, especially when talking about buildings and places. For example, the next khlong praises King Taksin’s royal presence as something warm and deeply touching to his people.

He alone, through merit and fortune, sustains the people,
A father and mother to all under heaven,
Both ruler and teacher, guiding the world,
A noble source of blessings, embracing all with kindness.

A refuge for every soul,
Compassionate to the poor and needy,
A guide sending beings toward the city of liberation,
A provider of present wealth, spreading joy and plenty everywhere.

(Sompant Lekhapan, 1987: 27)

Value:

  1. Literary Value:
    The language is simple and clear, making it easy to read and understand. The descriptions are detailed and well-crafted, showing it’s a solid piece of literature with straightforward style—no fancy fluff, just clean storytelling.

  2. Historical Value:
    It nails the historical facts about the Thonburi era with precision and depth. This work helps us clearly picture what was going on back then, including places and events from King Taksin’s time. So, it’s a real gem for anyone wanting to peek into that period with clarity.
    — (Uthai Chayanon, 2002: 55)


About Luang Sorawichit (Hon) and his works during Thonburi:

Luang Sorawichit (Hon) was the son of Chaophraya Bodin Surin Ratchai (Boonmee) and Lady Charoen. His family was a top-tier military lineage serving since Ayutthaya times. Later, in the early Rattanakosin period under King Rama I, he rose to be Chaophraya Phra Khlang, one of the greatest royal poets of that era.

Back in the Thonburi era, records show he held the noble title Luang Sorawichit, governor of Uthai Thani checkpoint, and played a major role in suppressing bandits and unrest during the late Thonburi period. According to royal chronicles and letters, he was key in protecting the capital while Somdet Chaophraya Maha Kasatsuek (later Rama I) was away fighting the Khmer.

He personally went to meet the army at Thung Saen Saep, reported on royal affairs, and safely escorted the troops back to the capital—a huge deal for the kingdom’s stability.

Later, under Rama I, he was promoted to Phra Phiphat Nakosa and then Chaophraya Phra Khlang. He’s the ancestor of the Boon and Long clans and passed away in 1805 (2348 BE).
(Sompant Lekhapan, 1987: 30-31)

Chaophraya Phra Khlang (Hon) possessed mastery in both prose and poetry, composing verses of elegant style and captivating charm. His literary works number eleven in total:

  1. Lilit Sriwichai Jataka

  2. Lilit Phet Mongkut

  3. Lilit Phayuh Yatra Phet Phuang

  4. Ihen Kamchan

  5. Rao Yao Mahachat — episodes of Kuman and Matri

  6. Bat Mohori Kaki

  7. Director of the translation of Samkok

  8. Co-author of Ratchathirat with three other poets

  9. Verses inscribed concerning the construction of the Golden Mountain at Wat Ratchakhrue

  10. Sombat Amarin Kamklon

  11. Proverbs and miscellaneous long songs

Among his literary contributions during the Thonburi era are:

  1. Lilit Phet Mongkut, composed between 1767–1779 (B.E. 2310–2322), dedicated to the royal prince, son of King Taksin.

  2. Ihen Kamchan, written in 1779 (B.E. 2322), the twelfth year of King Taksin’s reign.

Lilit Phet Mongkut is a refined lilit, composed of ray suphap and klong si suphap. Its narrative is a tale told by Vetala to King Vikramaditya, drawn from the Sanskrit Vetala Panchavimshati by Sivadasa of India.

The story tells of King Vikramaditya’s journey into the forest, capturing Vetala as his mount. Vetala offers to narrate stories to the king with a pact: if the king correctly answers the riddles, Vetala will remain his servant; if not, Vetala will claim the king’s head. Vetala thus tells the tales for the king’s challenge.

The tale begins with Prince Phet Mongkut bidding farewell to his father to go hunting with his caretaker, but they lose their way. Upon reaching the city of Kann, they encounter the princess of Kann and a mutual affection blossoms. The caretaker devises a scheme for the princess to become Prince Phet Mongkut’s wife.

Fearing that the caretaker might persuade the prince to return to the city, the princess plots to poison him. Yet the caretaker’s wisdom prevails, and he manages to bring Prince Phet Mongkut safely back home.

Later, the caretaker advises Prince Phet Mongkut to bring the princess with him. Through cunning, they deceive the King of Kann into misunderstanding and expel his daughter from the city. Prince Phet Mongkut then takes her to his own city and sends a letter to establish friendship.

The King of Kann, realizing he has been tricked, dies heartbroken. Vetala then teases King Vikramaditya, asking who should bear the blame. The king unwittingly answers that the fault lies with the King of Kann. Taking advantage of this slip, Vetala claims the king has broken his promise to remain silent and returns to the forest. Eventually, though, Vetala must serve King Vikramaditya as agreed.
(Uthai Chayanon, 2002: 56-57)

Example of descriptive praise from the text:

The prince ventures through varied terrain,
Leading his retinue far from familiar lands.
Over hills and plains they wander,
Where wild herds roam and mingle.

Monkeys chatter through wide forests,
Deer and antelope graze side by side,
Porcupines and boars nearby,
Young elephants playing with the elders.

Buffaloes and stags leap with vigor,
Goats and gazelles dart through rocks,
Rhinos fiercely munch thorny shrubs,
Hares bound swiftly in hunting packs.

Countless creatures abound,
Their numbers beyond reckoning,
The prince’s heart delights,
In the vast forest’s lively embrace.

 

Prince Phet Mongkut cast his gaze,
Beholding a lone white monkey’s radiant grace,
Its ivory tusks gleamed like pearls,
A band of wild beasts—wise and loyal—surrounded him.

The caretaker urged Prince Phet Mongkut to quell desire:
“O prince, in times of hardship, restrain your cravings.
Seek not to indulge the hunger of the flesh,
Nor be swayed by flavors that deceive like passion’s taste.
Father, do not fall to folly’s snare,
Lest troubles arise thereafter.

Value

  1. Literary Value:
    Lilit Phet Mongkut is a literary work over two centuries old, a beautiful poetic composition. It employs gentle, simple language with a rhythm resembling Lilit Phra Lo, yet retains its own unique style and character.

  2. Moral and Didactic Value:
    The work clearly depicts the love and bond between parents and children, reflecting traditional Thai family values and relationships very well.
    — (Uthai Chayanon, 2002: 61)


Regarding Ihen Kamchan, it was composed in 1779 (B.E. 2322), following the plot of the drama Ihenah—originally authored by Prince Mongkut during late Ayutthaya. The poetic form blends chan and kap. The story begins with Ihenah’s scheme to burn the city of Daha and abduct Busaba, hiding her in a cave. Jorka pursues and finds Ihenah, who deceives Jorka into believing no abduction took place.

It is understood that Chaophraya Phra Khlang (Hon) composed this work not with a particular agenda, but rather as a poet expressing his artistic emotions and showcasing his skill in chan poetry. This is the only known chan work of his.


General Characteristics of Ihen Kamchan:

  1. The chan poetry distinctly reflects Chaophraya Phra Khlang’s style, comparable to his verse style, featuring intricate consonance throughout, such as:

Sod Chongkha Sod Cha
Na Song Kon Sod Korn
Song Ohtha Oem Orn
Trubros Rosasan**
Phrang Phaktra Prai Net
Boyon Duean Tawan Chan
Phayu Phoyom Khan
Chit Wichulda Prai

In some places, repeated words create effects like glotp (a kind of wordplay), more intricate than elsewhere, for example:
Chaemchuen Chuen Cheew, Roo Ros Ros Dee, Sanae Sanae Ha, Lai Long Long Kam, Klap Phansa Sa, Hats Luem Luem Tha, Niraat Ratchathan


  1. The lament of Jorka for Busaba praises nearly every part of her body, comparing each to various things following the classical poetic conventions of the time—face, eyebrows, hair, eyes, ears, cheeks, mouth, neck, arms, even her chest. This fully preserves traditional aesthetics and metaphorical thinking.

  2. The poet demonstrates solid knowledge of chantalak (Thai prosody) and uses vocabulary correctly.


Sample stylistic excerpt:

Ihen comforts Busaba in the cave:
Though I must return to my homeland,
This direction is my kingdom.
Still, I will journey through the forest,
Till the end of time.
Oh mother, do not grieve in your heart,
Thinking I may perish;
My steadfast heart will never waver,
Nor shall my life be lost in the wilderness.

Description of birds perched among branches:
The kingfisher catches trees in neat rows,
Swans fly distant in the air.
Peacocks climb to the highest branches,
Sparrows dart among the leaves.
The pheasants hide beneath the bushes,
Nests closely cling to the mistress’s thigh,
Flocks of medium birds settle near,
Owls and cats move quietly.
Parrots cling to branches,
Munorets nest in trees,
Khun Phaen perches on a branch,
Lotus flowers bloom near their nests,
Various birds flutter and fly,
Some chase cicadas,
Others rest on turmeric stalks.
Owls clutch prey,
Swallows chatter among the branches,
Woodpeckers peck holes.

(Sompant Lekhapan, 1987: 22-23)

Value

  1. Stylistic Value:
    The work is beautifully crafted, with profound and poignant expression, rich in consonance and poetic sound. Its literary significance lies in its status as evidence of the continued reverence for the Ihenah story, tracing back to the Ayutthaya period.

  2. Social Value:
    It reveals the everyday life and customs of Thai people in general.
    (Uthai Chayanon, 2002: 52)

13.4.5 What are the values of the Nirat Mueang Guangdong?

Phra Ya Maha Naphap is the author of this nirat (travel lament poem), though little is known about the poet’s biography. It is presumed he was the leader of the embassy sent by King Taksin of Thonburi in 1781 (B.E. 2324) to establish diplomatic relations with China during the reign of Emperor Qianlong in Beijing. The royal grandson of King Rama I, Prince Krom Luang Narentornnoet (Thong Chin), then holding the rank of Luang Ritthinaiwero Mahadlek, served as deputy envoy on this mission.

This journey to China occurred near the end of King Taksin’s reign, a time of unrest in Siam. Consequently, the diplomatic mission attracted little public attention, and chronicles offer scant details on this event.

The poet was later honored with the noble title Phra Ya Maha Naphap during the reign of King Rama I (Phra Buddha Yodfa Chulaloke the Great). He collaborated with other poets, including Chaophraya Phra Khlang (Hon), Muen Waiworanat, and Luang Songphon, on the phleng yao wa khwam (a long poem expressing meaning), which is included in the National Library’s anthology of long poems.

The Nirat Phra Ya Maha Naphap to China—commonly known as Nirat Mueang Guangdong—is a travel poem composed during the Thonburi period. It holds great historical importance as the sole surviving record recounting King Taksin the Great’s dispatch of a royal envoy to foster diplomatic ties in Beijing. This precious literary work provides vivid poetic enjoyment as it is the first known poetic narrative describing a maritime journey from firsthand experience.

It is a crucial document in literature, history, and diplomacy, consisting of 372 verses.

Another important aspect is that this Nirat is the only surviving travel poem recounting the journey of a Thai diplomatic delegation to China over 200 years ago, as far as records remain to this day.

“Nirat Phra Ya Maha Naphap to China” thus holds immense value in illustrating the ancient relations between China and Thailand, and it is a rare document that is difficult to find elsewhere.

The purpose of composing this Nirat was likely to record the memorable experiences of the sea voyage, the receptions, and the exotic sights encountered abroad. It also served to glorify and pay tribute to King Taksin of Thonburi, as stated in the opening lines:

This is a letter presented with loyalty, as I have heard before.


Summary of content:
It begins by stating the purpose of the mission, describing the Thai envoy’s fleet of 11 junks, praising the procession, tribute goods, royal letters, and expressing concern for the homeland. It narrates the journey passing key locations from the mouth of the Chao Phraya River in the morning, Khao Sam Roi Yot, Phutthaimat, Pa Sak, the city of Yuan, all the way to Macau. It praises the city of Guangdong, discusses Chinese customs, and then recounts the return voyage, concluding with praise for the glory of King Taksin.
— (Uthai Chayanon, 2002: 62)


General characteristics of Nirat Guangdong:

  1. The poetic style closely resembles that of phleng yao (long poem), favoring consonance and rhyme patterns typical of Ayutthaya-era poetry:
    Declining is the support of the royal lineage,
    Declining the royal friendship without unity,
    Declining the blessings for a long time—
    It will be about twenty-four years at the end.

  2. The descriptions are extremely detailed, such as when praising the market, admiring the women of Guangdong, and specifying dates and times of travel:

“Upon the day of Phumches Masii,
The fortnight’s thirteenth waning day,
At two a.m., the shade just appeared,
Eleven vessels solemnly departed and sailed away.”

Note: The names of the days in Pali are as follows:

  • Aticca, Ravi (Sunday)

  • Canda, Soma (Monday)

  • Puma (Tuesday)

  • Puta, Vuta (Wednesday)

  • Vihapatti, Kruvara (Thursday)

  • Sukka (Friday)

  • Sura (Saturday)


  1. The language largely consists of simple words mixed with colloquial terms, and there is frequent repetition of phrases, which is quite noticeable, for example:
    “Then after two and a half days, arrived at the mountain.”
    “Then went three days to reach the mountain peak.”
    “Then after two days came to Khao Kanun.”
    “Then after that, two days later, saw the mountain.”

  2. The similes and descriptive methods follow traditional styles. It is evident the poet adheres closely to the “teacher’s style,” lamenting:
    “If by night, delight only in the moonlight; by day, behold only the sunlight.”

The poem also praises the spiritual practice (vipassana meditation) of King Taksin in metaphorical terms similar to classical literature, such as:
“The King beholds concentration as the five jewels’ array,
Wearing the three characteristics of existence as his crown— the fairest in heaven’s pure realm.
He takes moral virtue in his righteous deeds as the golden eternal necklace,
Emancipation as the royal umbrella, truth as his vast canopy.
All are shining instruments of discipline; equanimity wisdom flows like a river.”

  1. Nirat Guangdong contains very little lamentation over a beloved woman compared to other nirat poems. Instead, it constantly praises the glory of King Taksin. In times of hardship, the poem appeals repeatedly for the King’s protection and support. Toward the end, it describes the King’s meditation posture and closes with an offering of blessings.

It can be said that Nirat Guangdong is well composed and compares favorably with other poetic nirat works. Notably, poets of the Thonburi period were deeply loyal and proud of King Taksin’s wisdom and merit, which is clearly reflected in their literary works.
(Somphan Lekaphan, 1987: 28–29)

This nirat opens with a tribute of profound reverence to the sovereign King, proclaiming the royal resolve of King Taksin the Great to develop the nation and make it flourish like a heavenly realm. It also explains the reason for dispatching a royal embassy to China—referred to in ancient Thai texts as “Rājagṛha,” as attested in this poem. The passage reads:

“Gathering lives to bow before the sovereign throne,
With loyal words and humble homage shown,
As gilded leaves adorn the sacred tree,
To the land of Guangdong, city fair and free.

A loyal missive offered with heartfelt grace,
As once was heard in ancient place,
The King resolved with thoughtful care,
To tread the earth with beauty rare,

To build as heavens bright and wide,
And crown Ayutthaya in pride,
When wealth and king in Rājagṛha stand,
Once held this golden, sacred land.

Yet now decline and sorrow reign,
The realm’s bonds severed long in vain,
Ruined kinship, friendship gone,
Nearly twenty-four years withdrawn.”

Later, the poem recounts King Taksin’s own composition of a royal letter inscribed on a golden plate to be sent to the Chinese sovereign, along with lavish royal tribute goods to Jin Gong (ancient China). This stands as an important historical document reflecting the ancient royal diplomatic customs:

“Thus His Majesty penned a royal decree,
A precious scroll to keep with dignity,
Inscribed on golden sheets so fine,
Tributes arranged in grand design.

Beyond Jin Gong, offerings laid,
Scattered gifts with care displayed,
With ministers, nobles, and officials near,
Bearing seals of sacred lotus clear.”

The Lotus Seal was the official insignia of the Minister of the Treasury, who oversaw foreign affairs and the treasury department. (Image sourced from the book Royal Emblems)

The Lotus Seal marked the royal tribute goods and gifts presented by nobles and merchants. This seal was the official emblem of the Department of Port or Ministry of the Treasury at that time, responsible for diplomacy and trade with foreign nations. Today, this seal serves as the official emblem of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The passage then describes the fleet of eleven junks carrying royal tributes, goods, and the royal embassy departing. It also records the specific day and time the ships set sail from the port of Thonburi, as follows:

“Moreover, beyond Jin Gong were offerings given,
Ordered to six envoys with duty driven,
All eleven junks loaded full,
Anchored awaiting the moment, calm and full.

On the thirteenth waning day of Phumachit,
In the dark fortnight’s hour so fit,
At two ‘bat’ in the morning shade,
The eleven ships gracefully bade farewell and sailed away.”

The day and time when the envoy’s ships set sail from the royal port of Thonburi was on Tuesday, the 13th waning day of the 7th lunar month, Year of the Ox, Tri-Sak 1143, corresponding to 1781 CE.

Though this nirat (travel poem) mainly recounts the diplomatic mission to China, many parts weave in the poet’s tender emotions, following the traditional style of lamenting the separation from a loved one.

As the boat drifted along Khlong Talat, turning its course,
Eyes startled, tears streaming freely in remorse,
Parting from home and joyful friends so far,
Like this heart, destined to be torn from its self.

Oh, the bliss and joy once counted in days,
Now months pass beneath weary skies,
Heads bowed low, sinking in sorrowful haze,
The bird’s nest robbed — why the harsh goodbyes?

Left behind, torn in the heart’s deep fold,
To remember the distance from the royal hold.

When the ship faced fierce, terrifying storms, the royal grace of King Taksin was invoked, crowned and called upon to protect the voyage. This stanza praises His Majesty’s virtue, especially his meditation leading to enlightenment:

At last, all thoughts devoted to the Sovereign’s feet,
With utmost reverence, bowing heads in greet,
Calling on the power of His noble merit’s light,
To stand in place of Buddha’s sacred sight.

And more, His Majesty upheld the precepts pure,
Mastering great meditation’s allure,
To shield against the howling, raging winds’ might,
Command the breezes, guide the course aright.

Beside the waves, spirits and demons near,
Keep danger far, banish every fear,
Bless with triumph and safe return,
Till all is well, no more to burn.

As winds subside, the vows are sealed,
The power shown, the fate revealed,
The vessel rides the waves so true,
Protected by the sacred virtue’s hue.


The poem also richly describes traditional rites to appease water spirits, mountain gods, and sea guardians for safe passage—rituals deeply rooted in the era’s beliefs:

Mid-ocean, before the sacred hill,
Offerings made to spirits’ will,
Paper burned, wine poured to sea,
Water spirits’ thanks on breezes free.

When near shallow straits for trade and sail,
Prayers made where gods prevail,
Fowls laid down to honor high,
Protectors of the mountains nigh.

All positions paid their due respect,
For merchant ships to safely trek.

The poem even details the whale-worship rituals, warning of danger should these majestic creatures approach too near—a vivid portrayal of cultural beliefs that guarded every voyage.

Whichever side the heart may tremble, wild with fear,
A whale appeared on the right, its shape unclear.
About thirty-five wa in length it seemed to be,
At the front part, not fully clear to see.

Like a shrimp that fans its tail in display,
Its width around fifteen wa in sway.
From the breath it blew, like a palm leaf’s height,
It turned away to flee, escaping sight.

Incense and candles were hurriedly burned high,
To calm the whale spirit’s restless cry.


This shows how sailors feared whales so much they’d light incense and candles to pray for safety. Traveling to China back then was full of danger.

The poet Phraya Mahanuparap gently laments:

By night, one enjoys the moon’s soft glow,
By day, the sun’s bright rays that flow,
But watching fish in water’s dance,
Brings threats that chance to glance.


The journey from Thonburi (old Bangkok) to Guangzhou (Kwangtung) is noted:

From the city of Thonburi’s reign,
The voyage lasts thirty-three days plain,
About three hundred yods in path, they say,
A careful count, not far astray.


Upon arrival in China, the welcoming scene unfolds:

Chief Zhong Yi, great and grand,
Commands a hundred thousand guards on land,
He boards the ship without delay,
Inquires news and matters of the day.

The envoy replies with royal word,
From Ayutthaya, message heard,
To Jimgong by ancient canal’s grace,
Maintaining friendship in time and space.

The Chinese check the list and scroll,
Review the documents as their role,
They dispatch thirty troops in full array,
Armed well to guard the envoy’s way.

(Note: “Jong Yi” or “Zhong Yi” in Chinese means camp commander or general.)

The conditions within China at that time were vividly described by the poet. So much so that even in the water there were no fish, in the forests no trees, and in the air no birds or crows. Wherever one looked, there were only people.

The water showed no sign of fish life, the forests were barren of trees. The skies lacked flocks of birds. The land was densely populated with people. They were villagers and townsfolk who worked hard to make the place livable. Buildings stood in continuous rows, sprawling over every valley and hillside, dazzling the eye.

Areas beyond the water were turned into gardens and orchards, some cultivated heavily with vegetables. Lowlands near the water were used for rice farming. There were no extensive forests or large tree plantations.

The image of the Chinese soldiers and the crowds that gathered to see the Thai delegation was also described:

The stationed soldiers received their pay and took turns guarding. All were skilled and competent, adhering to ancient military traditions. The masses of people swarmed in countless numbers, surrounding the Thai visitors. Men and women ran to and fro, some boarding small boats to greet the newcomers with smiles and nods, despite not understanding the language. Others crowded around the ships, selling vegetables and fish to the Thai.

The women who rowed the boats for hire were well-formed, fresh-faced, and lovely, their soft skin pleasing to the eye even from afar.

The official reception of the delegation, along with the scenes along the road where the delegates passed through bustling markets and Chinese communities, were skillfully portrayed by the poet, giving us a clear picture of China as it was over 200 years ago.

On Sunday, at the appointed hour, in the year of Usupha-sak,
Beside Mu Yi Chong, descending the mountain to confer,
They came to receive the royal message,
With all the envoys and officials going forth,
Mounting carriages and carried by bearers,
Following the great road, the stone-laid path stretched far.

Along the roadside, charming and splendid,
Were shops lining both sides in great variety,
Strange and wondrous, all made of fine materials,
Painted carefully, lacquered with bright vermilion.
Shops faced straight ahead with golden signs,
Welcoming customers from far and wide.

Signs inscribed with golden letters were clear to read,
Incense burners and candle holders gleamed with gold,
Beds and canopies richly decorated,
Jewelry, glass, silver, and gold in abundance,
Silks and fabrics dazzling to the eye,
Clothes, nets, curtains of impressive display.

Bowls, jars, plates, and covered containers,
Countless in number beyond reckoning,
Some hawkers roamed, selling their wares,
Some tapped wooden blocks instead of speaking.
There were pigs, sheep, buffalo, stags, geese—
A thousand sold daily and still not enough,
The market was crowded beyond measure,
Buyers and sellers bustling to and fro.

(Note: Mu Yi Chong or Chong Mu Yi refers to the provincial governor.)

In front of the bustling market gate, the streets were swept clean,
No dirt was allowed to remain,
Men and women from the city of Wiang Chai
Ran about in a lively commotion.
Some carried children, led grandmothers, bore grandchildren,
All hurried and jostled one another.
The elderly and frail hastened along,
Squinting with eyes wide open, trying to recognize,
Young men and women crowded close,
All eagerly watching and scrutinizing the Thai visitors.

When admiring the beauty of the Chinese maidens of that time,
The poet described them with words that enchant and captivate,
Inviting admiration and fascination.

The group of maidens in the middle chamber, dressed with hairpins swaying in their buns,
Admired on the upper floors, their beauty dazzling the eyes,
Each standing like a painted lady,
With folds and pleats teasing and enchanting,
Complexions glowing like the moonlight,
Eyes darting like shining onyx,
Noses shaped like delicate hooks,
Eyebrows arched to stir the heart,
Hair black as the night sky,
Adorned with pins and golden chains dangling,
Lips red, tinted like the linchee fruit,
Smiling sweetly, a joy to behold.

They wore elegant dresses of three alternating colors,
Golden fabric shimmering brightly,
Though the princess herself was radiant and flawless,
Still, gazing upon these maidens stirred longing deep within,
Like a thread of the heart drawn out to admire.

(Note: “เสื้องทรง” means a garment shaped high and pointed.)

The image of ancient Chinese women binding their feet to keep them small also appears in this poem:

Admiring the girls of Satolmas,
Not coarse like the dockside Chinese,
Their forms praised and admired,
Though pitying their bound feet,
Wrapped tight with cloth to make them slender,
Breaking the natural form and grace,
Walking unevenly with a distorted gait,
Sellers use this custom to their gain.

The depiction of beggars in China two hundred years ago:

The poor wandering mendicants, traveling about, begging for food,
Feigning all manner of ailments,
Pretending endlessly,
Some contorted and wailing,
Some sitting pleading or writhing on the ground,
Some chopping with knives, hitting bricks,
Until blood flowed red on the street,
When no alms came, they cried loudly,
Watching these, one thought sadly on impermanence.

(Note: “อุจาน” here means “ugly” or “unsightly.”)

Regarding the official business of the Thai envoys’ journey to China, the poet vividly describes the events. Below is a brief excerpt:

The great Jiang, commander of the city of Ayutthaya,
All donned caps of camel hair alike,
Surrounding the Thai delegation, keeping watch as they passed,
Any who crossed the front were swiftly ushered away.

They entered the old district of Gongguan,
Where the embassy once took residence,
A building in an alley outside the city gates,
Where the royal message was kept as needed.

Then the entrusted goods were stored in warehouses,
Following the ancient customs of the two houses,
The gifts duly reported and dispatched.

At the side, the vigilant Zhongtuo (Jong Tok) of Mu Yi, a wise man,
Decreed that the gifts could not be accepted,
As strict rules forbade their receipt,
But with respectful bows, thanks were conveyed.

Messengers hurried to the officials,
Explaining the royal court of Kengguri (China),
Counting twenty-seven nights for the journey,
The envoy thus handed the royal orders to Zhongtuo Mu Yi.

They carefully read the message, which said the Wanli Emperor favored sending envoys,
To pay homage following ancient protocol,
With gifts as customary in the tributary system.

But these gifts were rejected and ordered returned,
For the envoys felt regret for the loss of goodwill,
And because the sea route was perilous and scarce,
It was better to sell the goods and return the funds to the great capital of Ayutthaya.

The attire of the Thai royal envoys preparing to meet the Chinese emperor is also described with rich detail.

When the day was set, the eleventh month, the tenth lunar day,
Jong Tok Mu Yi was instructed to lead,
To invite the envoys and officials forth,
To pay homage at the palace of the emperor,
Following the noble customs of old.

The Thai envoys destined to present their tribute
Were carefully dressed in refined styles,
As befits their rank and station,
Graceful and dignified in ancient tradition.

They wore elevated trousers with glass-like sheen,
Adorned with splendid belts and sashes,
Their hair arranged in noble fashion,
Like the ancient princes famed on the battlefield.

Attendants and all officials accompanied,
Soldiers carried the palanquins with solemnity…


The reception hall and its decoration by the Chinese hosts are described vividly:

At the gates stood rows of gleaming soldiers,
Shining swords in hand, arrayed on both sides of the path,
The inner courtyard guarded by the elite troops,
Halberds and muskets standing proudly along the road.

Wide open spaces allowed the crowds to pass,
Until the place of homage was reached,
A dazzling sight to behold:
All gilded naturally, painted with exquisite detail,
Flags and banners with golden inscriptions,
The compound neat and orderly,

Lanterns hung in rows with glowing light,
Reception halls adorned with red silk and tassels,
Edges trimmed with fine embroidery,
Silken floors laid as roofing overhead,
Decorated further with flowers and pine leaves—
A place of great respect and solemnity…


The act of kowtowing to pay homage differed between Thai and Chinese customs:

The Chinese required three prostrations,
With the forehead touching the ground thrice,
But the Thai envoys, unfamiliar with this ritual,
Suppressed laughter during the bows,
Unable to maintain their composure fully.

The envoys knelt and bowed, but not fully flat,
Smiling quietly through all three obeisances,
Before returning to their assigned quarters.

The Thai envoys who traveled to China on that mission likely could not avoid indulging in pleasures with local women, causing many to contract illnesses. This lament is briefly expressed:

“The golden flower, like pure gold by nature,
Passion unchecked throughout the days,
Until the itching afflicts the limbs in suffering,
Love’s wind spreads across the whole body.”

At the conclusion of the Nirat Kwangtung, the poet offers a skillful and unique eulogy honoring King Taksin the Great, unlike any other royal tribute.

Especially notable is the praise of His Majesty’s dedication to meditation practice, likening His conduct to that of a Bodhisattva. The poet adeptly employs elegant metaphor and allusion:

“Perhaps among the noble princes of the lineage,
In the ten Bodhisattvas of Tusita Heaven,
Prophetic teachings arose in the infinite Chienn monastery,
Inspiring His Majesty to take seat
Upon the throne of love and the sweetness of dharma meditation.
Adorned with radiant nine gems,
His meditative gaze surpasses the five jewels.
He wears the Three Marks of Existence as his crown,
Radiant beyond the highest heavens.
The purity of his precepts in practice
Is like a golden, shining necklace.
Liberation is his parasol,
Truth his expansive canopy,
All resplendent moral virtues illuminate,
Equanimity his flowing river.
Wisdom is his weapon,
Cutting through doubts of liberation to teach,
Brighter than the morning sun’s light,
Everlasting and illuminating the world.
Seen by worldly eyes, beloved by all,
His splendor is unmatched in the realm.
His power rivals Narayana and Rama,
Spreading beauty through the cycles of eons.
May the Triple Gem of Buddhism,
The heart of the supreme Dharma,
Grant blessings to cleanse sin and defilement,
So that he may reach enlightenment by will.”

The poem concludes with a traditional royal blessing, invoking the divine power of the great gods of the heavens — Phra Isuan (Shiva), Phra Narai (Vishnu), and Phra Phrom (Brahma) — to grant protection and prosperity to His Majesty the King, wishing him ever-increasing glory. The poet ends with a heartfelt benediction:

“May the treasures of the provinces and continents
Rest within Your Majesty’s grace in every place,
May Your renown resound through the pure skies,
May Your life be granted a hundred royal cycles.”

From these excerpts of Nirat Kwangtung or Nirat Phaya Maha Nupap to China, one of the most significant literary works of the Thonburi period, it is clear this is a crucial piece of Thai literature.

Beyond serving as a historical record of King Taksin’s reign and reflecting diplomatic customs — especially the ancient ties between Thailand and China — it also offers considerable literary enjoyment, following traditional nirat poetic style.

Uniquely, it stands as the sole surviving narrative from over 200 years ago detailing the perilous journey to China, filled with adventures confronting storms, treacherous rocks, whales, and more.

Most importantly, it provides rare insight into the state of China two centuries ago — a glimpse unavailable in any other ancient text.

Thus, “Nirat Phaya Maha Nupap to China” remains a highly significant literary work, born from King Taksin’s directive to send a royal envoy to renew friendly relations with the Chinese emperor at that time.
(Sathuen Supasophon, 1984: 84–87)

Value

  1. Literary value: The language is simple and straightforward, with detailed and elegant descriptions. The poem possesses a considerable degree of beauty, though not quite equal to the Nirat works of Sunthorn Phu.

  2. Historical value: It records the events of the journey to establish diplomatic relations with China and the diplomatic customs of the time. It is considered the first literary work featuring scenes set in a foreign land.

  3. Social value: It provides insight into the conditions of the country, the lives of the Chinese people, and the customs practiced by sailors.
    — (Uthai Chaiyanon, 2002: 79)


13.4.6 What type of literature is Kritsana Son Nong? Who authored it?

There are two authors: Phra Ya Ratchasupawadi and Phra Phiksu In (or Inthara). The biographical details of these poets are unknown, but as noted at the end of the work:

Phra Ya Ratchasupawadi was a royal official appointed by King Taksin the Great to assist in governance at Nakhon Si Thammarat. When Prince Nara Suriyawong, the king’s grandson sent to rule there, died, King Taksin commanded Phra Ya Ratchasupawadi to become the ruler of Nakhon Si Thammarat. Later, he was transferred to reside in Thonburi.

Phra Phiksu In was a monk from Nakhon Si Thammarat residing there, though his specific temple is unknown. He was highly skilled and rare in poetry during that period.
(Uthai Chaiyanon, 2002: 24)

The two collaborated to compose Kritsana Son Nong in the Khamchan poetic form. Phra Ya Ratchasupawadi wrote the beginning, and Phra Phiksu In was invited to complete and embellish it. It is also mentioned that an original manuscript had existed but was lost.

Purpose of Composition
Like other poets who composed Kritsana Son Nong, the aim was to create a didactic poem teaching women proper conduct in managing a household. The work draws its framework from the Indian epic Mahabharata, specifically the episode where Princess Krishna, wife of the five Pandava kings, instructs on the virtues and duties a wife and housekeeper should uphold toward her husband.

The poem is mainly written in Khamchan verse forms such as Kaph Chabang and Kaph Surangkhanang, with a small portion at the end using Intharawichianchan and Wasantadilokchan.


Content Summary
The story concerns King Brahmadatta of the city of Varanasi, who has two daughters: Princess Krishna and Princess Chiraprapa. When the king arranges a mate selection, Krishna chooses five husbands, while Chiraprapa selects only one. Krishna is intelligent and skilled in servitude, thus enjoying happiness with her husbands. Chiraprapa, however, is negligent in her duties and finds no happiness. She asks Krishna to teach her the proper way, and Krishna advises that a woman must be clever in managing the household, know her role as a wife, lovingly serve her husband, and behave obediently. Chiraprapa then applies these teachings to her husband.
(Uthai Chaiyanon, 2002: 25)

General Characteristics

  1. It is evident that the early verses are simpler and less skillful than the later ones, indicating that Phra Ya Ratchasupawadi’s poetic skill was inferior to Phra Phiksu In’s. Moreover, Phra Ya Ratchasupawadi was likely more adept at kaph poetry than chan poetry, hence the beginning is entirely kaph. Phra Phiksu In, a renowned poet from Nakhon Si Thammarat, adds sharpness and finishes confidently as a master poet, as shown in the concluding verses praising the poem’s excellence and instruction for young gentlemen.

  2. The poem employs many compound words and contractions, especially in the opening sections.

  1. The content largely corresponds with other versions of Kritsana Son Nong, especially the comparisons found in the edition by the Department of Somdet Phra Boromanujitchinnoros. For example:

The moon shines brightly through the clouds,
But the rays become dimmed and sullied;
A queen’s beauty, though radiant, is mingled with flaws,
Thus sorrow inevitably follows.
Even an elephant, though tuskless, or a dead ox,
Still has significance in its skin.
When a person faces death, all things vanish,
Leaving only good and evil behind.
Manifested upon the earth,
The name ‘Kritsana’ remains—
Stuck on tongues, praised or blamed.

(Sompun Lekhapan, 1987: 29-30)

How a woman should behave toward a man
Surangkhanang verse 28:

I shall teach you, dear, this noble advice—
Remember, young flower,
You must love your man, cherish and protect him without annoyance,
Neither letting sorrow come near.
Depend on sincerity and service,
Doing so will bring favor and joy.

When happiness fills the heart, or troubles arise,
Seize the chance to speak honestly,
So that your affection will be complete,
And your mind will be at peace.

Do not forsake the ancient customs, young sister,
Hold fast to good intentions.
First, faithfully care for your mother, your father,
And the aging relatives of your family.
By righteousness and truth, repay their kindness,
That all the divine beings shall praise you.
Your noble status will surely flourish,
And your honor and prosperity will grow,
In all auspicious and sacred affairs.

It is decreed that all servants, men and women,
Whether inside or outside the household,
When infirm, weak, or aged,
Should be treated with compassion and respect.
Avoid rash anger and harsh words,
Do not speak with a cruel or offensive tongue.
Anger and resentment will tarnish your grace,
And dim the radiance of your beauty.

The virtue inherited from your noble parents,
Born into a distinguished lineage,
Is the highest blessing in this world and beyond.
Their protection shields you from all harm,
Whether young or grown.
When you have a worthy husband,
His virtues shall be your safeguard.
A woman with a husband is like a jewel with a crown,
Admired and respected by all.
Cherish and guard your body and love,
Do not let it be destroyed,
Lest your brilliance be dimmed and lost.

Though pure gold shines brightly,
Without gems to adorn,
Its brilliance will fade and dull,
Like a woman parted from her husband,
Subject to scorn and whispered blame,
Unable to escape the sting of gossip,
A heavy burden upon a noble heart.

To please one’s husband is proper,
But to err invites beating,
A cause for sorrow and wandering death.
The moon’s clear light is darkened by clouds,
Its rays become dimmed and stained.
A queen’s beauty, like a precious gem,
If tainted, brings sorrow and gloom.

Even elephants without tusks,
Or cattle dead and skinned,
Their hides remain valuable.
Though smiles may be gentle and sweet,
Too much smiling can cause ruin,
A shadow dims the radiance of the teeth.

If one sneezes, do so with care,
If duties call, do not be excessive.
Do not sleep too long,
Always mindful of one’s work.
Eat sparingly lest your form waste away,
Overeating causes trouble,
But moderation maintains beauty.

Whether walking, lying, or sitting,
Endeavor to keep grace and composure.
Thus the nerves find ease and delight,
Dispelling ailments and annoyance.

May all happiness be fulfilled,
If knowledge is sought with diligence,
Though sorrow comes, effort is not wasted.
Thus keep records and writings with care,
With perseverance, wisdom will grow vast.

Know how to manage speech and tact,
Know how to endure slander,
Know how to eat and preserve oneself.
This pleases the heart of one’s husband,
Who loves deeply beyond enchantments or cunning.

Love yourself with modesty and virtue,
Hold precepts, have faith, perform merit.

Miraculous wonders will then arise,
Waves surge with roaring sound,
Flowers bloom bright in graceful domes,
Fish glide gently in the currents of the Sindhu.

The water overflows, nourishing the earth,
Fragrant breezes soothe the body,
Sunlight reflects, bending with the flowing streams,
The lake’s surface sparkles, lotus blossoms fully open.

The earth and sky mingle in harmony,
Fragrances blend, peace and joy increase,
Two bodies unite in ease and bliss,
A paradise of joy and abundance.

Glory and honor abound,
All gods and mortals praise the merit,
Two bestowed virtues stand firm,
A treasure lasting through age, old age, and life’s end.

Value

  1. Literary value — The work uses simple language, making it easy to understand, helping preserve this important literature from being lost. It also influenced later literature, for example, Somdet Phra Maha Samana Chao Krom Phra Poramanuchitchinorot in the Rattanakosin era composed another version of Kritsana Sorn Nong in Kham Chan form.

  2. Social value — This literature reveals the duties of women, guiding them on proper conduct as wives, which brings happiness to the family—the fundamental unit of society. When each family practices this, happiness spreads to all families, and consequently, society as a whole benefits. (Uthai Chaiyanon, 2545:36-45)

13.4.7 Which work was composed by an anonymous poet?

An anonymous poet composed

  1. The tale of Pajitkumar in verse

This is a widely known folk tale, an ancient story from Phimai. It is one of the Jataka tales from the book Panyasajataka. The original manuscript consists of five Thai folded books (samut thai). Upon examination, it divides into two versions:

Version 1 consists of four volumes, written on white paper in Thai script with ink. The handwriting throughout these four volumes appears to be by the same person, possibly the original author. This version is dated clearly at the end of the story as:
“Written in the ninth month, fifteenth waxing moon, Year of the Tiger; written again in the fifth month, fourteenth waning moon, Year of the Tiger, Chosak Kras 2316 Vasa Pariyabunna Nithita.”
This version does not reveal the author’s name.

Version 2 consists of a single volume composed during the reign of King Rama IV (King Mongkut of the Rattanakosin Kingdom).

Purpose was to record the story accurately and for the benefit of future generations.

Form — composed in read-aloud verse (glon an).

Content divided into 5 parts:

  1. Pajitkumar Glon An, Volume 1, No. 1, Cabinet 115, Shelf 6/5, Bundle 28, original manuscript history dated 16/5/56 (version composed by Luang Bamrungsuwan).
    The text contains curses and invectives. The story begins with Pajitkumar until Prince Pajit bids farewell to Lady Orapim to return to Nakorn Thom, preparing to bring a wedding procession to propose.

  2. Pajitkumar Glon An, Volume 2, No. 2, Cabinet 115, Shelf 6/5, Bundle 28, original manuscript history (version from Thonburi era).
    The story covers from Prince Pajit’s prophetic dream and sending officials to investigate Lady Orapim’s household until a hunter shoots and kills Prince Pajit and abducts Lady Orapim.
    This volume is not a continuation of Volume 1 because it is from a different version and cannot fill the missing content.

  3. Pajitkumar Glon An, Volume 3, No. 3, Cabinet 115, Shelf 6/5, Bundle 28, original manuscript history (version from Thonburi era).
    The story continues from Volume 2, where Lady Orapim is taken by the hunter. She plots to kill him, returns to Prince Pajit’s corpse, and applies medicine given by Indra to revive him. Then Lady Amorn sends servants with medicine and messages to present to the Supreme Patriarch.

4. Pajitkumar Glon An, Volume 4, No. 4, Cabinet 115, Shelf 6/5, Bundle 28, original manuscript history (Thonburi era version).
The content continues from Volume 3, beginning when the Supreme Patriarch reads the message and responds to Lady Amorn’s message, until Prince Pajit escorts Lady Orapim out of Nakorn Champak.

5. Pajitkumar Glon An, Volume 5, No. 5, Cabinet 115, Shelf 6/5, Bundle 28, original manuscript history (Thonburi era version).
The content covers from Prince Pajit’s troops constructing a cremation pyre for King Brahmatat in the city of Parnasi, until the conclusion of the Jataka tales. It includes the completion date and the author’s dedication. (Uthai Chaiyanon, 2545: 84-85)

6. Fable of the Bodhisattva Kosamkin
This is another poetic fable, presumed to be composed by the same poet, as its original manuscript appears at the end of the Thai folding book of Pajitkumar. (Foundation for the Conservation of Ancient Monuments in the Old Palace, King Taksin the Great, 2543: 124)

13.5 Regarding music, dance, performances, and entertainment

Dance, drama, and traditional performances in the Thonburi era bore distinct characteristics shaped by the historical context. The second fall of Ayutthaya in 1767 (B.E. 2310) severely impacted the royal characters and court dramas, especially the female roles, which were regarded as vital cultural legacies of the kingdom.

During the war, the Burmese forces captured many court performers and took them as prisoners to Burma. The royal scripts and plays were largely destroyed or burned alongside the ravaged city.

As a result, the traditional arts of dance, khon, and drama—key expressions of Thai cultural identity—suffered a great devastation, marking a significant cultural loss in the history of Thailand.

When King Taksin successfully restored the nation’s independence and the country gradually returned to normalcy, he devoted great attention and effort to reviving the nation’s arts and culture, particularly in the performing arts.

It is recorded that during his campaign to suppress the rebellion of the Lord of Nakhon Si Thammarat in 1769 (B.E. 2312), the king brought back the female court drama troupe from Nakhon Si Thammarat. These performers were retrained and combined with other troupes he had gathered from various places to reestablish the Royal Drama Troupe in Thonburi. This new troupe adhered closely to the traditional styles from the Ayutthaya period, becoming the foundation for reviving Thai classical dance, khon, and drama from that time onward.

However, there were some differences in style: the Nakhon troupe’s performances were somewhat more relaxed and catered to popular taste, while the Ayutthaya-style troupe was more formal and rigid, modeled after Princess Pinthawadi, daughter of King Borommakot, and followed a strict performance code.

The female court drama troupe was particularly important as it represented a genuine traditional art form of the nation. In the past, ownership of such a troupe was strictly forbidden to anyone outside the royal court. Only the palace was allowed to have female troupes for performing during royal ceremonies and within the royal residence, treating them as royal possessions or regalia. Even high-ranking nobles, including the Viceroy and members of the Front Palace, were not permitted to have female drama troupes. This restriction was only lifted during the reign of King Rama IV in the Rattanakosin period.

The reason Nakhon Si Thammarat could maintain or even boldly establish its own female troupe during the chaotic period following the fall of Ayutthaya was that, amidst the kingdom’s collapse, Nakhon declared itself a sovereign realm. They managed to recruit teachers from the Ayutthaya royal troupe, as some performers had escaped the Burmese invasion and taken refuge in safer cities, particularly Nakhon Si Thammarat.

After returning from Nakhon Si Thammarat, King Taksin developed a deep passion for classical performing arts and drama. He personally authored a version of the Ramayana drama in four parts just a month after his return, providing scripts for the newly revived royal drama troupe to rehearse and perform.

After King Taksin returned from Nakhon Si Thammarat, within just a few months, he diligently composed the Ramayana drama as he was preparing to lead his army to suppress the rebellion of the Lord of Phrae Fang in early 1770 (B.E. 2313). After successfully quelling the uprising, he ordered grand celebrations for the Phra That Temple in Muang Phrae Fang. Following this, he also commanded festivities honoring the Phra Sri Rattana Mahathat Temple in Sawankhalok and the Phra Buddha Chinnarat and Phra Buddha Chinnasi statues in Phitsanulok, held consecutively.

During these northern ceremonies, starting with the celebration at Phrae Fang, the king personally brought the female court drama troupe, which he had recently revived and trained in the royal court, to perform at every event. It is understood that they used the freshly composed Ramayana drama script, which King Taksin had written shortly after his return from Nakhon Si Thammarat just a month before. Evidence from Thai manuscripts of the royal compositions notes phrases such as “still rough,” “just right,” “revised,” and “inserted,” indicating that the king continuously refined and adapted the script to better suit the performances.

Regarding King Taksin and the theater, King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) once commented:

“He greatly enjoyed drama. After conquering Muang Phrae Fang, he even brought the drama troupe up to perform at the celebration there. It seems King Taksin himself had more fun than anyone else at these festivities.”

Not only did King Taksin compose the plays himself, but he also took great care in supervising and personally directing rehearsals.

There is a story that in the late years of his reign, King Taksin wrote additional drama scripts for the royal troupe to perform. One particularly challenging scene was the monkey tribute scene, featuring Hanuman’s lines:

“Used by day, used by night,
Sitting vigil by the fire,
Beating armor, knocking wood,
Couldn’t stand it, so I fled.”

The lead actor struggled to deliver this line properly and was harshly whipped until he could perform it correctly.

The original manuscript of the royal composition for the monkey tribute scene no longer exists.

Another story, said to have occurred toward the late reign of King Taksin, tells that one day the King was watching a performance of the I-nae drama, specifically the “Candle Risk” scene. When the drama reached the part where Madewi instructs Busaba to recite a prayer, Busaba showed hesitation and embarrassment. Madewi persistently urged her to say the prayer aloud.

At this moment, King Taksin, watching attentively, was either displeased with the actress or so moved by Madewi’s performance that he “lost control of the script,” acting as if it were real. He ordered on the spot:

“This one is not your child. Take her and whip her!”

Thus, on that day, Madewi was punished with a whipping because her acting was so convincing.

From such tales, it is inferred that besides the Ramayana, the I-nae was likely another drama performed in the royal court during the Thonburi era. However, there is no record of King Taksin composing a new script; it is understood that he used existing scripts from the Ayutthaya period for performances.

Additionally, it is presumed that dramas during the Thonburi era might have included Unarut, also performed using scripts from Ayutthaya.

During the Thonburi period, large numbers of royal troupe members were trained, allowing multiple troupes to perform simultaneously. The royal drama troupe at the time included both female and male troupes. The male troupe presumably performed “lakorn nok”—popular comedies with all-male casts—while the graceful, refined style of “lakorn nai” was only possible in the female troupes.

The most significant theatrical event during Thonburi was a grand competition of many troupes—royal, provincial, and private—with both female and male troupes performing, alongside various entertainments lined along both sides of the Chao Phraya River. This event was the celebration of the Emerald Buddha, held from late 1779 (B.E. 2322) into early 1780 (B.E. 2323).

The memoirs of Princess Narindradevi recorded this performance:

“…The royal pavilion was in the center, with the female troupes on one side and the male troupes on the other. The prize for the female troupe was 10 chang, for the male troupe 5 chang, lasting 7 days… There was a day when the female troupe competed against the Nakhon troupe, with 5 chang per troupe. The royal troupes also competed among themselves for 3 days…”

King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) later commented:

“The pavilion was likely a newly built long pavilion allowing viewing from both sides.”

This shows that King Taksin seriously intended to watch the drama performances, which lasted for 7 days and nights as the royal troupes competed.

It was the grandest and most joyful theatrical celebration for the Thai people since the fall of Ayutthaya 12 years prior.

Regarding performing arts and entertainments during the Thonburi era, as recorded in the memoirs of the Emerald Buddha celebration (B.E. 2323), they included: Khon, Nang (shadow puppetry), puppet theater, drama, dance (female dance, Ramany dance, Javanese dance, Vietnamese lotus lantern dance), music ensembles (mo-hori, pi-phat, ra-meng, mong-khruam, six-man Vietnamese ensemble), acrobatics (foot juggling, pole climbing, wire walking, balancing acts), and various martial arts (Chinese opera, wrestling, swordplay, pole fighting, elephant fighting, horse racing, spear fighting, and mounted swordplay).

The memoirs of Krom Luang Narindrathéwi mention several episodes concerning drama during the Thonburi period, such as:

“At the beginning of the year Chalu (B.E. 2323), the king ordered the release of all prisoners in celebration of the young prince, then proceeded to attack the city of Nakhon. He led a naval expedition, embarking on the royal barge Sri Sakhlat into the river mouth of Nakhon city on the 7th waning day of the 10th month, Chula Sakarat 1131, year Chalu, Ekkasok.”

“After winning the battle, the king was presented with gifts including the female drama troupe, silver and gold ornaments, royal treasures, and other items. He then descended to celebrate the Phra Borommathat (relic stupa) with performances by the female drama troupe, followed by a three-day grand parade at Sarasanan. He stayed long enough for Chinese junk captains to offer tribute. Then, he appointed Chao Nara Suriyawong to govern the city and returned to Thonburi.”

“Following this, he tracked and captured an elephant from the forest by the Mae Mud River, presented it, and ordered celebrations for the queen mother. The female drama troupe was then sent to perform at the Phra That Phang festival for seven days, after which the king visited Phitsanulok to celebrate Phra Chinnarat and Phra Chinnasri for another seven days, accompanied by female drama performances.”

“The Emerald Buddha was invited to be placed on the Phra Yan Nomas palanquin and paraded to the pavilion at the royal field. The royal pavilion was in the center, with the female and male drama troupes on opposite sides. The prize for the female troupe was 10 chang, the male troupe 5 chang, lasting 7 days. The celebrations lasted a full seven weeks, including one day of competition between the female troupe and the Nakhon troupe for 5 chang per troupe, and three days of internal competition among the royal troupes with the same prize.”

Besides drama, music—particularly mo-hori and pi-phat ensembles—was also strongly promoted. The memoirs note numerous significant occasions featuring music performances alongside theatrical events.

Note:

The large piphat ensemble (image from the book Music in Thai Way of Life)

The piphat ensemble is divided into two main types: hard-stick piphat and soft-stick piphat. A typical piphat ensemble consists of four main types of instruments: ranad (xylophone), gong circle, pi (oboe), and rhythm instruments.

The difference between the two types lies in the hardness of the sticks used to play the ranad and gong circle, as well as the instruments included in the ensemble. The soft-stick piphat uses a flute instead of the pi and adds the saw u (a bowed string instrument), producing a mellow, gentle sound and performing in a style that is softer and more graceful compared to the hard-stick piphat.

Both types of piphat ensembles can be categorized into three sizes: piphat khrueang ha (five-instrument ensemble), piphat khrueang khu (paired-instrument ensemble), and piphat khrueang yai (large ensemble).

Small string ensemble (Image from the book Music in Thai Life)

String ensembles are musical groups primarily composed of plucked and bowed instruments, complemented by selected wind and percussion instruments whose sounds blend harmoniously. The ensemble typically includes saw duang, saw u, khaen, flute, and percussion instruments such as ching, chap, tone, ramana, and mong. String ensembles are classified according to the size of the group and the combination of instruments used into four types: small string ensemble, paired string ensemble, pi chawa string ensemble, and mixed string ensemble.

Morori ensemble (image from the book Music in Thai Life)

Morori ensemble is a combination of the string ensemble and the pi phat ensemble, but the indispensible element is the three-stringed saw, as it is the true symbol of the morori. A morori without the three-stringed saw is considered incomplete. Thus, the ensemble that mixes pi phat and string instruments is called morori. Some Thai scholars refer to it as the “string ensemble combined with soft-wood pi phat,” which sounds verbose, so it is commonly shortened to “pi phat string ensemble.”

Morori is classified into three sizes: small morori, paired morori, and large morori. (Panya Rungrueng, 2002: 48-69)

For example, during the celebration of the birth of a royal child. Additionally, Nai Suan, a palace attendant, wrote in an honorary composition about the morori by the curtain:

“Morori by the curtain, even the heavenly pin
Is a place where the earth is delighted, seductively enchanting,
Like a celestial nymph playing pipes, tenderly,
As if to suggest repeatedly, layering bliss.”

Such was the grand entertainment during the celebrations in the Thonburi era.

Various entertainments included fireworks displays, Thai-style theaters, and the “Yuan Hok” performance. Notably, atop every theater’s roof was a water station with stairs leading up and a large water pot prepared to extinguish any fires that might occur from lighting fireworks.
(Source: Compilation of Royal Orders, Vol. 1, Thonburi Era. Bangkok: Secretariat Printing Office, 1980)
(Image from the book “Sippasat Rangsarn”)

มหรสพ means ceremonies celebrating royal funerals or funerals of nobility and important persons, a meaning used before the year 1873 (B.E. 2416). In modern times, it refers to entertainments or performances for amusement (Kueakuer Yuenyonganan, 2003:188).

During the Thonburi period, various kinds of mahorn sop (entertainment) existed. According to the first volume of the Royal Orders compilation from the Thonburi era, these included khon (masked dance-drama), lakorn (drama), puppet theater, xiang opera, female dances, shadow plays, Thepthong performances, mohori, and piphat ensembles. As for folk plays, there were performances such as clap the chicken, Yuan Hok, Mongkhrum, Rabeang, foot balancing, loop climbing, wrestling matches, sword and staff fights, six-pole stunts, wire walking, and tossing objects, among others. In summary, these entertainments encompassed theatrical performances, musical ensembles, folk games, and acrobatics. Moreover, each performance type had several troupes associated with different ethnic groups, which will be discussed further.

The royal celebratory entertainments discussed here consist of five events, chosen to study the details of their performances and folk plays comparatively.

Pictures of various traditional entertainments: passing through hoops, fireworks displays, Chinese puppet theater, and the “Yuan Hok” game.
(Source: Prachum Mai Rap Sang, Volume 1, Thonburi Period, Bangkok: Secretariat Printing House, 1980)
(Image from the book Sippasart Rangsarn)

The first event was the royal cremation ceremony of Somdet Phra Phanpi Luang, Krom Phra Thephamat, held at Wat Bang Yi Ruea Nok (present-day Wat Intharam) in Chulasakarat 1138 (B.E. 2319). For this occasion, a royal decree specified the performances as follows:

“…In the daytime: Khon Luang Intharaphet – 1, Khon Khun Ratchaseni – 1, totaling 2 troupes, Chinese opera of Phraya Ratchasethi – 1, Thepthong play – 1, Khon – 4, female dancers – 4, totaling 8 stages, daytime shadow puppet theatre – 2, Yuan puppetry – 1, Chinese opera – 2, totaling 17 stages, Lao puppetry – 2, totaling 18 stages.

At night: Thai shadow theatre, main stage – 3, Thai shadow theatre at Rong Chan Ratha – unspecified, Chinese theatre – 2, totaling 16 stages.

Total for day and night: 35 stages…”

The second event was the royal cremation ceremony of Krom Khun Intharapithak and Chao Narasuriyawong, ruler of Nakhon Si Thammarat, held in Chulasakarat 1138 (B.E. 2319) at Wat Bang Yi Ruea Nok. The prescribed entertainments were as follows:

“…In the daytime: Khon, main stage – 2, Khon, Wang Ratha – 2, female dancers – 1, daytime shadow theatre – 1, Mon puppetry – 1, Lao puppetry – 2, totaling 7 stages.
Chinese opera, main stage – 1, Thepthong play – 1, Khmer theatre, Old Mon dance, New Mon dance, Thai shadow theatre, main stage – 2, Thai shadow theatre, Wang Ratha – 5, Chinese theatre – 1.
As for acrobatics: Yuan performers – 6, stilt walkers – 2…”

Various Performative Arts: Yuan Hok, tightrope walking, Ratha Dokmai Fai (firework chariot), and Thai shadow theatre.
(Source: Prachum Mai Rapsang, Volume 1, Thonburi Era. Bangkok: Secretariat of the Cabinet Press, 1980. Image from the book Sippasat Rangsang.)

The third event was the royal funeral ceremony for the mother of Somdet Phra Chao Luk Thoe, held in Chulasakarat 1142 (B.E. 2323) at Wat Bang Yi Ruea Nok. The prescribed entertainments were as follows:

“…In the daytime: Khon, main stage – 2, Lao puppetry – 2, Lao puppetry, large stage – 1, theatre, large stage – 1, Khmer theatre – 1, Chinese opera – 1, Thepthong play, Wang Ratha Khon – 1, female dancers – 1, Mon puppetry – 1.

At night: Thai shadow theatre, main stage – 2, Thai shadow theatre, Wang Ratha – 7, Chinese theatre – 1, Old Mon dance, New Mon dance…”

Various Performative Arts: Passing through hoops, human pyramids, knife juggling.
(Source: Prachum Mai Rapsang, Volume 1, Thonburi Era. Bangkok: Secretariat of the Cabinet Press, 1980. Image from the book Sippasat Rangsang.)

The fourth event was the royal cremation ceremony for Mom Chao Seng, Phraya Sukhothai, and Phraya Phichai Sawan, held at Wat Bang Yi Ruea Nok in Chulasakarat 1139 (B.E. 2320). The prescribed entertainments were as follows:

“…In the daytime: Khon, main stage – 2, Khon, Wang Ratha – 2, female dancers – 1, daytime shadow theatre – 1, Mon puppetry – 1, Lao puppetry – 2, Chinese opera, main stage – 1, Old Mon theatre – 1, New Mon theatre – 1, Thepthong play – 1, Yuan performers (six), stilt walkers…”

Various Performative Arts: Muay (Thai boxing)
(Source: Prachum Mai Rapsang, Volume 1, Thonburi Era. Bangkok: Secretariat of the Cabinet Press, 1980. Image from the book Sippasat Rangsang.)

The fifth event was the Emerald Buddha Celebration Ceremony, held in multiple phases. It began with the procession that brought the Emerald Buddha to Tha Chao Sanuk in Saraburi, where celebrations were held for three days and nights. The statue was then transported by a grand river procession to Phra Tamnak Bang Khonrak, where Somdet Phra Chao Luk Thoe Chao Fa Krom Khun Intharapithak received it. The ceremonial procession of performances, featuring over two hundred boats, included the following: 

“…Khon on three barges under Luang Raksasombat,
Chinese opera on three barges under Phraya Rachasethi,
Thai theatre performed by Muen Sanaephuban and Muen Wohan Phirom,
Khmer theatre on three barges under Luang Phiphitwathi,
Chinese wind and percussion ensemble under Luang Choduek,
Yuan acrobats on Yuan boats,
Lao puppetry on Kulae boats,
Javanese dancers at the front,
Thai Mohori ensemble under Luang Anuchit Raja,
Western Mohori ensemble under Luang Sriyot,
Khmer Mohori ensemble under Phra Ong Kaeo, and others…”

When the Emerald Buddha procession reached Saphan Pom Ton Pho, at the mouth of Khlong Nakhon Ban, it was enshrined in a hall beside the ordination hall at Wat Chaeng (present-day Wat Arun Ratchawararam). His Majesty graciously ordered Thai piphat, Mon piphat, Lao piphat, Western Mohori, Chinese-Yuan Mohori, and Mon-Khmer Mohori ensembles to take turns performing for a full 2 months and 12 days. This reflects the vibrant and festive atmosphere around Wat Chaeng, filled with music and celebration.

Upon reaching the main celebratory day, on Wednesday, waxing 13th day of the 6th lunar month, Year of the Pig, an array of performances were held over 7 days and nights, including:

Chinese Opera Stage (Rong Ngiu)
(Source: Prachum Mai Rapsang, Volume 1, Thonburi Era. Bangkok: Secretariat of the Cabinet Press, 1980. Image from the book Sippasat Rangsang.)

In the daytime, there were Lao puppets, Khmer theatre, Chinese opera, Yuan opera, Khon Wang Ratha, female dancers, daytime shadow theatre, and Thepthong plays. At night, there were Thai shadow plays, shadow plays at Wang Ratha, and Chinese theatre, among others.

The grand celebration of the Emerald Buddha was a lively and joyous occasion for the people of Thonburi, because besides the performances, there were also games and acrobatics to watch, such as high-pole balancing, single-pole balancing, low tightrope walking, Yuan acrobats, two-person stilt walking, clapping games, Mong Krum, Rebang, Javanese front dance, Yuan dance holding lotus lanterns. In addition, there were wrestling matches, boxing matches, club fighting, sword fighting, shield fighting, spear fighting, Mon spear fighting, and Lao-Yuan spear fighting, among others.

The celebrations would not be complete without fire performances; therefore, the event featured firecrackers, Chinese fireworks, flares, fireworks, golden threads, pinwheels, and flaming torches.

What do the theatrical entertainments at the royal cremations, funerals of nobles, and the grand Emerald Buddha celebrations mentioned above reflect?

Reflections from the grand celebrations
The five celebrations provide the following reflections:

  1. The Thonburi period was a cosmopolitan society. This is evident from the diverse performances and entertainments of the time, each representing the arts of many ethnic groups and languages, for example:

Puppet performances included Thai, Mon, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, Yuan, and Tavoy puppets (Tavoy puppets are wooden figures dressed like Tavoy people with pulling strings). There were both Chinese and Yuan operas. Theatre included both Thai and Khmer plays. Dance included female Thai dance, Ramanyan dance, and Mon dance. Shadow plays included both Thai and Chinese styles. Musical ensembles included Thai Mohori, Western-influenced Mohori, Chinese-Yuan Mohori, Mon-Khmer Mohori, Thai piphat, and Ramanyan piphat.

These performances reflect the society of the Thonburi period, a society made up of many ethnic groups, languages, and cultures living together, including Lao, Mon, Khmer, Pattani Malays, Chinese, Yuan (Vietnamese), Westerners, and others. Some groups had long been established, while many others were relocated following Thonburi’s military victories.

Many groups were persuaded to relocate to Thonburi. These groups established their own communities with leaders who acted as administrators. These leaders were government officials with noble titles and land holdings. Such high-ranking nobles each maintained their own Khon, shadow play, theatre troupes, folk music, and orchestras. Their performance troupes participated in the celebratory events, making the festivities lively, spectacular, and richly varied.

High-ranking nobles who organized and brought their troupes to the celebrations included:

  • Phraya Rachasethi Ong Chiang Chun – Yuan Mohori ensemble

  • Phraya Rachasethi Chinese – Chinese Mohori ensemble

  • Phraya Ramanyawong – Mon Mohori ensemble

  1. The joyfulness of the people in Thonburi city can be seen from these five grand celebrations, each offering different kinds of entertainment. Especially the Emerald Buddha Celebration in B.E. 2322 (1779), which was livelier and more festive than royal funerals. It featured a wide variety of performances similar to other celebrations, but what made it especially vibrant were the many folk games and acrobatics as previously mentioned.

The duration of the Emerald Buddha celebration was long: starting from the procession bringing the Emerald Buddha to Tha Chao Sanuk in Saraburi, celebrated for 3 days and nights, followed by a river procession with 246 boats to Thonburi. Upon arrival at Wat Chaeng (Wat Arun Ratchawararam), continuous music ensembles—Mohori, Piphat, and others—performed alternately for 2 months and 12 days. Later, the main festival lasted 7 days and nights, filled with fireworks, flares, torches, and the sounds of Piphat and Mohori, alongside shadow play performances.

Such an extended, diverse, and multicultural celebration suggests that the people of Thonburi during this time were likely relieved from the hardships of war, famine, internal and external threats, and the strenuous rebuilding of the city in the early reign period. After over a decade of endurance, the late reign brought some relaxation.

  1. Observations on the performances and entertainments:
    All grand celebrations included performances both day and night. Daytime performances were more numerous, while nighttime was dominated by shadow plays (Nang), which required lighting a white screen by firelight. Puppeteers and dancers performed in rhythm according to the roles of the characters—heroes, heroines, giants, monkeys, etc.—in stories such as the Ramakien. Music ensembles also performed, and various kinds of fireworks were ignited, including firecrackers, flares, rockets, and flower-shaped fireworks.

Preparation for each event involved distributing responsibilities among various government departments to oversee the construction of performance stages, charity pavilions, ceremonial pavilions, and bridges across canals. Additionally, personnel were assigned to manage musical instruments such as pipes, drums, chimes, trumpets, conch shells, and royal umbrellas. Labor was also conscripted from provincial towns to assist in civil works. For example, during the funeral of Somdet Phra Phanpi Luang Krom Phra Thephamat, officials from Nakhon Sawan, Phichit, Saraburi, and Kamphaeng Phet were tasked with building covered halls, while officials from Chainat, Singburi, In Buri, and Phrom Buri helped construct bridges. Foreign communities also participated actively—for instance, the Khmer planted Khmer theatres, and the Ramany built Ramany theatres. These collective activities involved all social groups working together, fostering unity, coordination, and enjoyment.

Regarding expenses, the state covered wages for construction workers, participants in processions, and performers. The most costly event was the Emerald Buddha celebration, which totaled 379 chang, 3 tamlueng, 1 baht, and 2 salueng.

  1. The Importance of Wat Bang Yi Ruea Nok (Wat Intharam)
    This temple was the site for royal cremations of nobility and high officials, as recorded in royal decrees. Its strategic location beside the Bangkok Yai canal near the royal palace and the intersection of three canals (Bangkok Yai, Dan, and Chak Phra) made it a bustling commercial hub, both for imports and exports, and a tax collection point. It was a center of social gathering and transport, fostering a lively economy. Additionally, King Taksin renovated and restored Buddha images, pagodas, viharns, and built numerous monk residences here. After completion, he invited monks from the Vipassana sect to reside at the temple.

  2. Performances, musical ensembles, folk games, and acrobatics during the Thonburi period were a continuation of Thai cultural traditions from the Ayutthaya era into the Rattanakosin period. Although the fall of Ayutthaya in 1767 scattered many performers and disrupted traditional arts, the Thonburi court was eventually able to gather artists from the provinces to revive these arts. This effort preserved the original culture and transmitted it to later generations in Rattanakosin.

In summary, theatrical and entertainment activities ceased after the fall of Ayutthaya in 1767. During the early Thonburi reign, the country faced severe social and economic challenges, including famine and banditry, leaving little opportunity to revive the arts. However, as stability returned, King Taksin endeavored to restore all branches of the arts, recruiting performers from Nakhon Si Thammarat to train locals. He also instituted a variety of performances and games during royal funerals of nobility and the grand celebrations of the Emerald Buddha.

These grand celebrations were graciously ordained by King Taksin to include all ethnic groups residing in Thonburi, allowing everyone to participate in every step—from preparations to performances. This inclusive approach fostered unity and harmony among the people, helped uplift their spirits and relieve their suffering, and ensured the preservation of Thai culture from disappearing. (Kueakul Yuenyonganan, 2003: 188–194)

Summary of King Taksin’s Royal Duties Related to the Patronage of Arts and Culture:

  1. He possessed broad interests and recognized the importance of all fields of arts and sciences. Despite having little leisure time due to warfare and maintaining order, he diligently devoted every spare moment to nurturing arts and knowledge.

  2. He sought to collect and preserve ancient literature—precious heritage from the Ayutthaya era. Simply salvaging manuscripts from fire damage was insufficient; it was necessary to gather and piece together works from original texts and collective memory. Manuscripts were sought from households, temples, and provincial towns where copies had been kept. This urgent literary collection was a priority for King Taksin, to prevent the gradual loss of these invaluable texts.

  3. He understood the critical need to boost the morale of the people after the devastation of war. Although the king had restored independence and rebuilt the kingdom, the psychological recovery of the populace took longer than physical reconstruction. King Taksin regarded this as a vital royal duty and promoted the arts and literature as entertainment to comfort the people. Besides commissioning new literary works, he revived theatrical performances, bringing flourishing drama traditions from Nakhon Si Thammarat to train palace performers, and restored classical court drama in the style of Ayutthaya. The creation of literature and revival of theatre were subtle, wise strategies to strengthen public morale.

  • 4. He desired to fulfill the full duties of a monarch according to ancient royal traditions, which include the promotion of literacy and literature. King Taksin demonstrated a determined royal intention to perform this duty to the best of his ability, never yielding to obstacles or surrounding circumstances. Although the literary works produced during his reign may not have reached the heights of earlier golden eras, they nonetheless reveal remarkable royal intellect and achievement, especially given the challenging conditions of that time.

  • 5. He likely intended for literature to serve as a means to inspire thought, unity, patriotism, and self-sacrifice. He composed the Ramakien episode of Phra Mongkut during a time when the realm of Rama was troubled by misunderstanding and discord; once understanding was restored, peace prevailed. The episodes of Hanuman wooing Nang Vanarin, sending her to the heavenly realm, and the trial of King Maleewarat all conveyed moral lessons related to the political and social circumstances of the kingdom. Clearly, the revival and promotion of literature during the Thonburi period was not only to honor and preserve the art of composition but also connected deeply with the necessities of governance and the welfare of the people. (Somphan Lekhapan, 1987: 22–23)

Summary of Distinctive Characteristics of Thonburi Period Arts and Culture
The Thonburi period lasted only 15 years, so its distinctive cultural features are not very prominent. However, the following points can be summarized:

  1. Nearly all art forms were influenced by the prosperity of Ayutthaya, including architecture, painting, performing arts, and literature.

  2. Thonburi-era arts tended to be simple and straightforward rather than elaborate or intricate. This is evident in the construction of important buildings such as palaces and temples, likely due to the country’s severely weakened economic status. Similarly, literature was mostly short works, with long narratives like the Ramakien and I Lae (Malay epic) being abridged into shorter episodes. Although Thonburi did not produce outstanding arts that could serve as exemplary models, its art maintained the flourishing achievements of the past and provided a vital foundation for cultural revival and promotion in later periods.
    (Somphan Lekhapan, 1987: 33–34)