King Taksin the Great

Chapter 17: The Royal Character of King Taksin the Great and a Summary of Major Events of the Thonburi Period

17.1 What was the royal character of King Taksin the Great like?

From an early age, he was not a particularly well-behaved child. That is to say, he had a mischievous disposition and often led other children to follow his behavior, such as introducing gambling games into a temple, for which he was punished by his teacher. If we gather various accounts of his conduct in youth, it can be seen that he possessed the royal character of a leader from a very young age.

Later, when he first entered government service, he was not an official who merely carried out orders, but applied the knowledge he had acquired for practical use, both in matters of law and administrative regulations. The fact that the kings, both King Borommakot and King Ekkathat, placed their trust in him to carry out duties related to legal disputes and litigation clearly shows that he had a disposition that valued justice. When he became king, this trait remained evident, except at times when he was angered.

Nai Thongto Kluaymai Na Ayutthaya (2001: 12–13) wrote in praise of King Taksin the Great that he was extremely just. When he went to suppress the ruler of Nakhon Si Thammarat in 1769, fighting occurred, and in the end the ruler was captured. The assessors consulted and judged that the ruler deserved the death penalty, but the King did not agree. He stated that at a time when the country had collapsed and the capital had fallen, each person sought to establish himself as a leader. The ruler of Nakhon had never previously been his subject, and therefore fighting against him could not be regarded as a crime. Once captured, the ruler submitted himself humbly and willingly as a subject, and thus should be taken to serve in the capital.

He possessed keen intelligence, as was clearly demonstrated when King Taksin gathered his followers and fled from Ayutthaya. He chose routes of escape that the Burmese could not effectively counter, partly because their forces were not large (even though larger than his), and partly because they were unfamiliar with the terrain. Moreover, his winding route was not intended to deceive the Burmese directly, but to increase their confusion in pursuit. He departed Ayutthaya toward the southeast (some say east), traveling through canals and rice fields until leaving the Ayutthaya area and reaching Nakhon Nayok and Prachinburi in sequence. He encountered the Burmese only a few times, namely in the border area between Ayutthaya and Nakhon Nayok and near Prachinburi. He then crossed the Prachin River to reach the eastern coast, traveling via Paet Riu (Chachoengsao) and onward to Chonburi, which he knew the Burmese had not reached and where food supplies were abundant. His plan at that stage was to persuade and gather forces in order to return and drive the Burmese out of Ayutthaya. However, this ultimately became a larger conflict, requiring fighting and killing among Thai people themselves before forces could be assembled according to plan.

His ability in the art of warfare was demonstrated in the method used to attack Chanthaburi. He did not employ a large force, but instead ordered loud noises to be made to deceive the opposing side, causing them to panic and believe that they were being attacked by a much larger army than was actually the case. As a result, they surrendered peacefully.

His intelligence, wisdom, and sharp acumen were noted by a French missionary, who wrote of King Taksin that “this Phraya Tak was a man of great intelligence and quick wit. He went to establish himself at Bangkok and repaired the fortress that the French had built during the reign of Louis XIV, which the Burmese had destroyed after capturing the capital.” (Collected Chronicles, Part 39, Accounts of the French Missionaries Who Entered during the Late Ayutthaya Period under King Ekkathat, the Thonburi Period, and the Early Rattanakosin Period)

After establishing Thonburi as the capital, he traveled to persuade people who had scattered and hidden in forests and remote areas to return and live within the kingdom. However, when large numbers of people gathered, a shortage of food occurred and widespread hunger followed, as farming had not been carried out for nearly two years. King Taksin the Great was able to resolve this immediate crisis by spending royal funds to purchase rice brought for sale by merchants from other regions. Even when the price was as high as four to five baht per measure, he agreed to buy it and distribute it to the starving people of the capital. When merchants from other areas learned that rice could be sold at a good price in Thonburi, they transported more rice there, until prices eventually fell due to oversupply. Meanwhile, displaced people who had been hiding, upon learning that King Taksin the Great supported and cared for the populace with compassion and kindness, gradually returned to their original settlements, resulting in an increase in the population and manpower of the kingdom.

Another prominent aspect of his character was courage, which was evident from his youth and continued throughout his entry into royal service. A clear example is that King Ekkathat recognized his bravery and skill in warfare and therefore ordered him to assist in the defense of Ayutthaya. However, when King Taksin saw that Ayutthaya lacked military unity altogether and that the king himself possessed no capability, he led his followers to break through and leave, rather than remain to resist the Burmese in Ayutthaya at the time when the fall of the capital was imminent, a situation in which resistance against the Burmese was already impossible.

“… He was able to endure great hardship, was courageous, and possessed sharp intelligence. He had a bold and decisive disposition and acted swiftly. In this regard, he may be regarded as a truly brave soldier. After ascending the throne, he personally led expeditions to suppress Nakhon Si Thammarat and Saiburi, both of which submitted in allegiance to him. Subsequently, he captured the cities of Kankhao and Pa Sak, and on the Khmer side, no one dared to oppose him …”

He personally exercised close command over the army. “… It was one custom of Phraya Tak that he always personally led and commanded the army himself. When he reached the city of Kankhao, he achieved victory. Anyone who committed an offense against Phraya Tak was punished without exception …” (Collected Chronicles, Part 39, Accounts of the French Missionaries)

He was courageous and resolute.
1. At the time when he first led a force of only 500 men to break through the Burmese encirclement and escape from Ayutthaya, upon reaching Ban Phran Nok he encountered a Burmese force. While his troops had been sent out to patrol and search for provisions, they were caught off guard and fell into disorder. He made a bold and resolute decision to deal with the immediate situation by mounting his horse and leading the charge himself, accompanied by four trusted cavalrymen, engaging the Burmese at once. He then ordered the troops to quickly regroup and form flanking wings, attacking from both sides and encircling the Burmese army, resulting in the complete defeat and retreat of the Burmese forces.

Collected Chronicles, Part 65, records this episode as follows:
“… He halted and encamped at Ban Phran Nok. The soldiers were sent out to scout and seek food, and they encountered a Burmese force advancing from Bang Khang. The Burmese pursued them to the place of encampment. He then mounted his horse with four cavalrymen and first engaged the Burmese in battle. The entire force then formed flanking lines and attacked from both sides. Thirty Burmese cavalry fled in disorder, and two thousand infantry scattered. The soldiers, witnessing the miraculous power of his merit and authority, praised him as a king of divine lineage …”

2. During the attack on Chanthaburi on June 14, 1767
“… He mounted the royal elephant Phangkhiri Kunchar Chatthan and charged to break down the main gate. The soldiers guarding the gate and ramparts fired cannons and firearms like heavy rain, yet none of the bullets struck any of the warriors. The cannonballs passed beneath the belly of the royal elephant. The mahout then pulled the elephant back. The King became enraged and raised his weapon to impose royal punishment. The mahout begged for pardon, whereupon the King used his dagger to stab Phangkhiri Kunchar and drive it forward to smash the gate, which collapsed, allowing the troops at the front of the elephant to enter …”

(Collected Chronicles, Part 65) This means that he was not frightened or intimidated by the cannon and gunfire that rained down upon him like a storm.

3. When he first led an expedition to attack Chiang Mai in the year 1770, he judged that at that time it was not yet possible to capture Chiang Mai, and therefore ordered the army to withdraw first.

“On that occasion, Poma Yungnguan (the ruler of Chiang Mai at that time), seeing the Thai army withdraw, seized the opportunity and sent his forces in pursuit. The Burmese troops advanced to intercept and fired upon the rear guard, throwing it into confusion and panic until it reached the main army. When the King of Thonburi saw that the rear guard was at a disadvantage, he personally went down to take command of it, drew his sword, and fought the enemy himself, pressing the attack until it became close combat. The enemy could not withstand the assault and retreated. Thereafter, the Thonburi army was able to return safely…” (Collected Chronicles, Part 6, Thai-Burmese Warfare)

Nai Thongto Kluaymai Na Ayutthaya (2001: 12–13) praised King Taksin the Great, stating that “he possessed decisiveness and daring, as shown in the case where he ordered the soldiers to smash all the rice pots before attacking Chanthaburi, declaring that if the city could not be taken, the entire army would starve to death together. Such a decision caused the soldiers to develop a determination to fight to the death. During the second campaign to capture Chiang Mai, on Monday, the fourth waning day of the third lunar month, he learned that enemy forces were advancing through the Three Pagodas Pass and had reached Bang Kaeo in Ratchaburi territory. He therefore took up residence at the floating pavilion in front of the royal palace at Thonburi and ordered officers to go by boat to meet the Thonburi army returning from Chiang Mai, instructing them to proceed directly to Ratchaburi and forbidding anyone to stop at any town or settlement. When the army boats arrived and received the royal command, they passed in front of the floating pavilion to take leave and then turned into the Bangkok Yai Canal, every vessel complying, except Phra Thep Yotha, who stopped at his house. Upon learning this, the King became furious, ordered Phra Thep Yotha to be bound to a post at the floating pavilion, and personally beheaded him with his sword, then had the head displayed at Wichai Prasit Fort.”

“… If, during battle, King Taksin saw any commander retreating, he would go to that commander and say, ‘You fear the enemy’s sword, but do you not fear the edge of my sword?’ Then he would raise his sword and immediately strike off the head of that commander…” (Collected Chronicles, Part 39, Records of the French Missionaries)

Thus, the royal power and authority of the King of Thonburi were widely feared and respected by neighboring states at that time. As stated in one passage of the records of the French missionaries: “While Phraya Tak was the new king of Siam, he caused the surrounding countries to tremble in fear of his might…”

He imposed severe punishment on those who oppressed the populace in conquered tributary cities. When the Thai army captured the city of Phutthaimat (located on the coast between the Khmer and Vietnamese borders) in the year 1771, he issued a proclamation ordering all Thai and Chinese commanders to refrain from oppressing the local inhabitants. Details appear in the campaign diary of that expedition as follows: “… Let a law be proclaimed to all Thai and Chinese commanders, that the Chinese and Vietnamese people and townsfolk traveling and trading along roads and routes are not to be arrested, flogged, or killed under any circumstances. They are to be encouraged to settle and pursue their livelihoods in their former places. Whoever disobeys and dares to violate this royal decree shall be punished with death …”

Later, there were those who violated the order by fighting with and oppressing Chinese people in that city, and they were punished with execution. The campaign daily record notes this as follows: “Moreover, two selected legal officers drank alcohol and then went to quarrel with the Chinese, using swords to wound them. After the facts were fully ascertained, it was ordered that royal punishment be imposed: they were to be flogged with two strokes of the cane and then beheaded.”

Another royal characteristic of the King of Thonburi, or King Taksin the Great, that consistently appeared was his generosity and kindness toward relatives, as well as toward soldiers and officials in general, and even toward the common people. For relatives and close military officers and officials who rendered meritorious service, he granted ranks and noble titles to bring them honor, and bestowed rewards without hesitation. He even bestowed at least two royal consorts upon high-ranking officials, granting them to the Chao Phraya of Nakhon Si Thammarat and the Chao Phraya of Nakhon Ratchasima.

In the Mon chronicle of Rajathirat, one passage states that on one occasion King Rajathirat bestowed Nang Uttala, his favored consort, upon Smin Nakhon In, a leading general, in accordance with the latter’s expressed wish. However, Smin Nakhon In later returned her, as it had been more a test of the king’s intent, and thus it was not regarded as an actual bestowal. In contrast, Thai chronicles of the Thonburi period record that the King of Thonburi bestowed royal consorts upon two important military officers, and in these cases there was no return, unlike the account found in the Mon chronicle of Rajathirat.

Case 1: He bestowed Princess Prang (Nu Lek) upon Chao Phat, who at that time held the position of Maha Uparat of Nakhon Si Thammarat (during the Thonburi period, Nakhon Si Thammarat was ruled by a king bearing the title “Phra Chao Khattiyarachanikom,” commonly known as the “King of Nakhon Si Thammarat,” or simply “Chao Nakhon,” who had established himself as ruler after the fall of Ayutthaya in 1767).

The matter was as follows. At that time (in the year 1774), Chao Phat went on a military campaign, and Princess Nuan, his consort, who was a daughter of the King of Nakhon Si Thammarat and had remained behind, passed away. Chao Phat was deeply grieved. When the campaign was completed, Chao Phat, who had rendered meritorious service, came to have an audience.

The King of Thonburi spoke words of consolation, saying, “Do not grieve; I shall give her younger sister to take her place, so that she may raise the children.” (The reason for saying “I shall give her younger sister to take her place” was that Princess Prang was also a daughter of the King of Nakhon Si Thammarat and was the full younger sister of Princess Nuan, Chao Phat’s consort who had passed away.) After speaking, he rose and issued a royal command to the palace ladies to send Princess Prang (or “Nu Lek”) to be bestowed upon Chao Phat. However, the palace lady quietly informed him of an important matter, namely that Princess Prang had missed her monthly period for two months, meaning that she was pregnant. Nevertheless, he replied, “I have already given my word; let her be given.”

Accordingly, the palace lady sent Princess Prang to be bestowed upon Chao Phat as his consort by royal command. However, when Chao Phat received Princess Prang, he did not take her as his wife, out of great respect for the King of Thonburi, and instead established her in the status of “Mae Wang.” As for the pregnancy that Princess Prang carried with her, she later gave birth to a son named “Chao Noi” or “Than Noi,” who later became Chao Phraya Nakhon (Noi), an important statesman known for his strength in administration during the reign of King Rama III.

This Chao Phraya Nakhon (Noi) became the progenitor of the Na Nakhon family, which is one direct lineage descended from the King of Thonburi.

Case 2: He bestowed Princess Yuan or Chuan upon the Chao Phraya of Nakhon Ratchasima (Pin). This occurred in a manner similar to the case of Chao Phat. The Chao Phraya of Nakhon Ratchasima (Pin) went on a military campaign during the attack on Vientiane in the years 1778–1779, which resulted in the Emerald Buddha being returned to Thailand. He conducted the campaign with great bravery, bringing significant benefit to the state, and thus became greatly favored by the King of Thonburi.

However, while the campaign at Vientiane was underway, Lady Nakhon Ratchasima passed away. When this matter was reported to the King of Thonburi, he graciously bestowed Princess Yuan or Chuan, another daughter of the King of Nakhon Si Thammarat, to be the wife of the Chao Phraya of Nakhon Ratchasima (Pin), as a reward for his meritorious service in that campaign.

The situation was the same as in the case of Chao Phat, namely that Princess Yuan or Chuan had served in the Inner Palace as an attendant and already had an early pregnancy. When the Chao Phraya of Nakhon Ratchasima (Pin) received her by royal bestowal, he made her the lady of the city and did not take her as his wife, out of reverence for the King of Thonburi.

The pregnancy that Princess Yuan carried later resulted in the birth of a prince around the year 1780. When the Chao Phraya of Nakhon Ratchasima (Pin) submitted a report to the King, he was graciously granted royal insignia of rank equivalent to that of a Phra Ong Chao, and the child was given the name “Thong In.” When he grew to adulthood, he served at Nakhon Ratchasima and eventually became Chao Phraya Kamhaeng Songkhram Ramphakdi Aphaiphiriya Prakromphahu, Governor of Nakhon Ratchasima, commonly referred to simply as “Chao Phraya Nakhon Ratchasima,” during the reign of King Rama III.

Chao Phraya Nakhon Ratchasima (Thong In) was another important general who was extremely strong and capable in military affairs during the reign of King Rama III. He played a significant role in campaigns to suppress the rebellion of Chao Anuwong of Vientiane and in the Khmer-Vietnamese wars, serving side by side with Chao Phraya Bodindecha (Sing Singhaseni) throughout these conflicts.

Chao Phraya Nakhon Ratchasima (Thong In) was the progenitor of the “Na Ratchasima” family, which has several related branches, including Intasot, Mahanarong, Intharakamhaeng, Nilnanan, Niamsuriya, Chukrit, Intanuchit, Kachawong, Siriphon, and Choengthongchai.

King Taksin the Great ruled his subjects, both civilians and soldiers, according to the Ten Royal Virtues, excelling more as a caring ruler than as a distant lord. This is reflected in the royal commentary of King Chulalongkorn (Rama V), who described him as being close and affectionate like a father. On one occasion, when the King of Thonburi was encamped at Khao Phra while besieging the Burmese at Ban Bang Nang Kaeo, he prescribed military discipline by ordering that firearms be discharged simultaneously in volleys of thirty or forty shots as commanded. He addressed the officials and commanders, saying, “All officials, when a father sends you to fight for the realm, if the father does not personally supervise from behind, success is not achieved. When I went to the Chiang Mai campaign, I entrusted you with affairs in my absence, yet you were defeated by the Burmese, bringing shame upon me. In this campaign, I bear no personal resentment toward any of you; I regard all equally. As a king and ruler, if those with merit are not rewarded and those who commit offenses are not punished, such conduct is unworthy of governing the realm. According to royal custom, those with merit must be rewarded with ranks and cities to govern according to their status; those whose offenses warrant beating must be beaten, and those who deserve death must be executed. Only thus is one fit to be king and able to wage war against the Burmese. I have endured hardship and waged war not for my own pleasure, but to uphold religion and to bring peace to monks, Brahmins, and the people throughout the realm, so that injustice may not prevail. In this instance, you have been defeated by the Burmese, and though punishment would be due, I regret it greatly, for I have raised you to high positions. Therefore, for this first offense, I will allow you to redeem yourselves. If in the next engagement you defeat the Burmese, you shall be absolved. Both commanders and soldiers should reflect carefully. I cannot set aside the laws of martial discipline; therefore, strive diligently to redeem yourselves and preserve your lives.”

On another occasion, when Phraya Taksin led his forces to attack Chonburi and passed through Bang Lamung, at that time Nai Bun Rueang, a royal page, was stationed as governor of Bang Lamung, commanding twenty men and carrying a letter to be delivered to the ruler of Chanthaburi. While passing through Rayong territory, he was captured by Phraya Taksin’s soldiers. Upon interrogation, it was learned that Nemyo Sihabodi, the Burmese commander at the Pho Sam Ton camp, had sent a letter instructing the ruler of Chanthaburi to submit peacefully.

The commanders reported to Phraya Taksin that the governor of Bang Lamung was aligned with the Burmese and requested that he be executed. Phraya Taksin did not agree, stating, “The governor of Bang Lamung is under Burmese control and therefore has no choice but to comply out of necessity. It cannot be said that he has willingly sided with the enemy. Furthermore, the governor of Bang Lamung has not yet become our subject, so it cannot be said that he has committed an offense against us. That the Burmese have sent a letter compelling the ruler of Chanthaburi in this manner is in fact beneficial, for it allows the ruler of Chanthaburi to choose whether to side with the Burmese or with the Thai.” He governed the people according to the Ten Royal Virtues, consistently considering causes and consequences with fairness, ruling as a father governs his children, without partiality. (http://board.dserver.org/n/natshen/00000133.html, 21/11/45)

On one occasion during the campaign against the city of Phutthaimat in the year 1771, Chao Phraya Chakri, the senior commander, reported that Chomuen Waiworanat had performed his military duties negligently in warfare and had therefore been arrested and detained under royal punishment. The commanders consulted and concluded that the offense merited death and could not be overlooked, lest it set a precedent. Accordingly, an order was given for his execution, and Nai Det, a royal page, was appointed to replace him as Chomuen Waiworanat.

However, at three o’clock that same afternoon, twenty-two senior and junior commanders jointly submitted a petition requesting royal pardon and asking that he be given an opportunity to redeem himself through renewed service and loyalty. In response, the King delivered a deeply impressive royal address, stating that it was not that he did not care for Chomuen Waiworanat, but that when an offense had been committed, it had to be judged according to the offense. Of particular importance, he reflected upon the qualities required of a king who could nurture the realm and bring peace and well-being, and at the same time he made a solemn vow before the Buddhist clergy.

Details of this episode appear in the campaign daily record of the expedition against Phutthaimat and the Khmer territories during the Thonburi period in the year 1771, in one passage as follows: “Then there was a royal address spoken above the heads of all, saying:

One who is to be a king, nurturing and sustaining the people and the realm to prosperity, cannot rely solely on customs or laws of indifference, excusing wrongdoing without punishment, or rewarding merit without granting cities and lands to govern, for in such a case the realm would be lost. Now there are five men whose conduct at this time is wrong, contrary to just tradition, as in the example of King Elara. It is not that I do not love Chomuen Wai, for even a single commoner who is a subject within the sacred boundary is loved as one’s own life. Therefore, I make this solemn vow before the venerable abbot of Wat Thoeng Wai and many monks, affirming the truth of this: I have exerted myself without regard for body or life, not desiring any personal wealth or comfort, but desiring only that monks, Brahmins, and all living beings may live in happiness.

Do not oppress one another. Establish yourselves in righteous practice so that it may serve as the sole condition for enlightenment. If there be any person who is capable of remaining in royal authority and making monks, brahmins, and the people happy, I shall bestow all these possessions upon that person, and I myself shall go forth to cultivate the monastic path alone. Otherwise, if anyone desires my head or my heart or any single thing, I shall give it to that person. If this be untrue, if I speak falsely, may I fall into the realms of misery. When all people commit offenses to such a degree, if punishment is not imposed, the customs and order of the land will be destroyed. Yet if punishment is imposed now, Chao Phraya, Phraya, and royal officials come to petition in great numbers, leaving me uncertain how to decide.” In the end, he granted a royal pardon and spared the life of Chamuai Waiworanat, together with the other five persons who had been sentenced to death, in accordance with the petitions of the twenty-two senior and junior officials, allowing them to continue royal service to redeem themselves in the campaign against Muang Pa Sak (Sathuean Suphosophon, 2527: 97).

He referred to himself as “father.” King of Thonburi was pleased to use the pronoun “father” to refer to himself when addressing people in general, whether officials, commanders, officers, or the populace at large. Even with high-ranking officials such as Chao Phraya Surasi (Somdet Krom Phra Ratchawang Bowon Maha Surasinghanat in the reign of King Rama I), he likewise referred to himself as “father” (there is evidence of this in the account of the Miraculous Deeds of the Ancestors). Most significant was the final episode of his life, when Phraya Sanch rebelled and led troops from the old capital to besiege Thonburi. There were those willing to sacrifice themselves for him, dragging a cannon up onto the fortress to fire upon the rebels, but he forbade it, saying, “Father’s merit is exhausted now. Do not bring hardship upon the people…!” This account appears in the Memoirs of Krom Luang Narinthra Thewi, in part as follows:

“…He came out to preside over judgment. Learning that Phraya Sanch had come to plunder and attack the city, he ordered his consort and children detained. He entered and cut open the prison, releasing the prisoners inside. Phraya Thibet, Phraya Ramanyan, and Phraya Amat fought, dragging the cannon up onto the fortress. The enemy retreated. He then returned and issued a command forbidding it, saying, ‘Father’s merit is exhausted now. Do not bring hardship upon the people…’”

In the Cambodian Royal Chronicle, in the edition translated by Lt. Luang Rueangdetanan (Thongdi Thanarat), there is also an account of a similar nature, though with some differences in detail, as follows:

“…The troops of Phraya Sanch and Khun Kaeo advanced to the capital, shouting as they came and firing guns at the corner fortress on the northeastern side. The guards on watch at the fortress fired back until daylight, but were unable to resist and fled, abandoning the fortress. Phraya Sanch then went in to report to King Taksin that now all officials and the people were in agreement to invite him to relinquish the royal authority. King Taksin replied that he had been concerned only about enemies coming from distant lands, but now even his own descendants said that he had thought wrongly and had become mad. Whether they wished Father to be ordained or to be put in chains, Father would submit and comply with their wishes in all respects. Phraya Sanch therefore allowed him to be ordained at the chapel of Wat Chaeng within the royal palace, but later had him disrobed and placed in fetters, kept under heavy guard by soldiers…”

In summary, King Thonburi consistently referred to himself as “father” when addressing people of all ranks. This may be regarded as one distinctive characteristic of Thai society, reflecting the close bond between the institution of kingship and the people from ancient times down to the present. Regardless of the form of government, Thai people have long revered the monarch as the father of the nation and have commonly addressed him in simple, familiar terms such as “father,” “royal father,” or “dear father,” and the like.

He was a reformer of royal traditions.
“All people called Phra Chao Tak the king, but Phra Chao Tak himself said that he was merely the guardian of the capital. Phra Chao Tak did not conduct himself like former kings. According to the custom of Eastern monarchs, who did not appear before the people for fear of diminishing royal prestige, Phra Chao Tak did not agree with this practice at all. He possessed wisdom and ability far exceeding that of ordinary men; therefore, he did not fear that appearing before the people or speaking directly to them would in any way diminish his royal authority, for he wished to observe all affairs with his own eyes and to hear all matters with his own ears…” (Collected Chronicles, Part 39, Accounts of the French Missionaries)

Therefore, during times when the people suffered from famine and hardship, requiring the donation of royal funds to purchase food for distribution in large quantities, he mounted his royal elephant (as there were no royal motor vehicles at that time) and personally went out to inspect and oversee matters himself, allowing the people the opportunity to behold his royal presence at close range, in contrast to the general royal customs of the Ayutthaya period in earlier times.

King Taksin the Great showed a strong royal interest in seeking knowledge in many fields, especially in vipassana practice and meditation. However, while he faced problems that deeply affected his royal heart, together with continuous warfare involving external enemies such as Burma and Vietnam during his relatively short reign, these factors combined to produce negative effects, causing his temperament to become volatile and at times harsh and unreasonable.

When engaged in warfare and when his emotions were unstable, he often became intensely angered; even in cases where soldiers failed to act in accordance with his wishes, he ordered swift executions. Likewise, when he learned that one of his own consorts had taken a lover, he imposed severe punishment to the point of execution, after which he suffered profound remorse. On certain occasions, his temperament could change quite suddenly, and intense distress would arise.

When he realized that he was not in a position to repay the gratitude of his mother during her severe illness because he was engaged in military campaigns, especially when his mother passed away, he was deeply distressed, for he regarded the nation as more important than his personal royal affairs. There is ample historical evidence indicating that King Thonburi deeply revered, loved, and was devoted to his royal mother; yet when war pressed close upon the country, he set aside his concern for his mother while she was gravely ill and departed to command the army for the sake of the nation.

This event occurred in the year 1774, after the successful campaign to restore Chiang Mai to Siam. Subsequently, a Burmese force invaded and established a camp at Bang Kaeo in Ratchaburi, requiring an urgent return to Thonburi to prepare for a new battle at Bang Kaeo, Ratchaburi. At that very time, Somdet Krom Phra Thepamat, the Queen Mother, fell gravely ill. Nevertheless, King Thonburi steeled his heart and led the army out from Thonburi to Ratchaburi, despite being greatly worried and concerned for his royal mother.

The Thonburi Royal Chronicles, the edition of Phan Chanthanumat (Choem), record this episode in part as follows: “At dusk, five bat after nightfall, Khun Wiset Osot, the physician, brought a report of the severe illness of Somdet Phra Phanpi Luang to present at the pavilion of the camp at Wat Khao Phra. After observing the symptoms, he hastened Khun Wiset Osot to return and said that the illness appeared grave and that he would not be able to arrive in time to see her, for this affair of the realm was of great magnitude; if he were to go at that moment, there was no one he trusted who could resist the enemy.” In the end, the Queen Mother passed away while he was commanding the campaign in Ratchaburi. This clearly confirms that King Thonburi regarded the affairs of the nation as more important than his personal royal duties.

17.2 A Summary of Major Events in the Thonburi Period (1767–1782)

B.E. 2310
– The second fall of Ayutthaya to Burma
– Phraya Wachiraprakan (Sin), or King Taksin, successfully restored independence within seven months and proclaimed independence after defeating the Burmese at the Pho Sam Ton Camp
– The establishment of Thonburi Si Maha Samut as the capital
– The battle against the Burmese forces that invaded Siam at Bang Kung (Samut Songkhram)

B.E. 2311
– The first large-scale restoration of temples and monasteries in Thonburi began
– Phra Ajarn Di of Wat Pradu was appointed as the first Supreme Patriarch
– The campaign to suppress the faction of Chao Phraya Phitsanulok (Rueang), the first faction confronted, was unsuccessful, and the king returned wounded
– The suppression of the Phimai faction (Krom Muen Thepphiphit) was successful and became the first faction to be subdued
– King Thonburi’s royal coronation (28 December)

B.E. 2312
– The Kingdom of Lan Xang sent Chao Noe Mueang to present royal tribute and requested to become a vassal state
– The suppression of the Nakhon faction (Nakhon Si Thammarat) was successful
– The first military expedition against Khmer (Cambodia) was launched but was unsuccessful
– Phra Ajarn Si was appointed as the second Supreme Patriarch

B.E. 2313
– The king composed the Ramakien as a dramatic literary work
– Envoys from Trengganu and from Jakarta (Indonesia) presented 2,200 flintlock muskets
– The suppression of the faction of Chao Phraya Fang (Sawang Khamburi) was successful
– Major administrative and religious reforms were carried out in the northern provinces
– Burmese forces occupying Chiang Mai marched south to attack Sawankhalok
– The Thonburi army launched its first campaign to capture Chiang Mai

B.E. 2314
– Nai Suan, a royal page, composed a poem praising royal merit
– The construction of the city walls of Thonburi
– The second military expedition against Khmer, resulting in the recovery of Khmer towns to Siamese control as before

B.E. 2315
– Burmese forces from Chiang Mai marched south to attack Phichai for the first time

B.E. 2316
– The registration and tattooing of manpower (royal commoners, bonded commoners, and provincial conscripts)
– The Burmese army attacked Phichai for the second time, giving rise to the heroic deed of “Phraya Phichai of the Broken Sword”
– The promulgation of a royal decree concerning moral discipline and religious observance

B.E. 2317
– The Thonburi army marched north to attack Chiang Mai for the second time and successfully recovered the Lan Na cities, reincorporating them into the kingdom
– The Burmese army attacked Bang Kaeo (Ratchaburi area); the Siamese forces encircled the Burmese army until it ran out of food, capturing 1,328 enemy soldiers

B.E. 2318
– Burmese commanders Bo Suphla and Bo Mayaungun led an army to retake Chiang Mai but failed
– Aza Wun-gyi attacked the northern towns; the fiercest battle occurred at Phitsanulok
– The royal cremation ceremony of Somdet Phra Thepphamat, the Queen Mother, was held at Wat Bang Yi Ruea Tai (Wat Intharam)

B.E. 2319
– The Burmese army attempted once again to retake Chiang Mai but failed; Chiang Mai was subsequently abandoned and became a deserted city
– The creation of the illustrated manuscript Traiphum Boran
– The rebellion at Nang Rong; Siamese forces marched to suppress towns along the Mekong River basin, successfully capturing Nang Rong and Nakhon Champasak (Laos)
– Captain Hlek (Captain Light) sent 1,400 flintlock firearms as tribute
– Francis Light was commissioned by Siam to procure 10,000 flintlock muskets from Tranquebar in southern India
– A major restoration of Wat Bang Yi Ruea Tai (present-day Wat Intharam, Talat Phlu) was ordered during royal merit-making in honor of the royal ashes of the Queen Mother
– King Taksin undertook vipassana meditation at Wat Bang Yi Ruea Tai for five days and five nights
– The king composed a Buddhist treatise entitled Lakkhana Bun
– A major restoration of Wat Hongsa Awat Wihan (present-day Wat Hong Rattanaram) was carried out

B.E. 2320
– A royal letter was sent to Francis Light requesting assistance in procuring weapons for state use
– The British Governor at Madras, India, sent a letter of goodwill together with a gold sword inlaid with gemstones
– Chao Phraya Chakri was elevated to the title of Somdet Chao Phraya Maha Kasatsuek

B.E. 2321
– The Kingdom of Vientiane dispatched troops to fight Phra Wo at Nong Bua Lamphu and Don Mot Daeng; the Siamese army marched to attack and successfully captured Vientiane, bringing all Lao cities back under Siamese suzerainty
– Francis Light was granted the noble title “Phraya Ratchakapitan”

B.E. 2322
– The Siamese army marched to attack Vientiane and captured it successfully
– The Siamese army returned with the Phra Phuttha Maha Mani Ratana Patimakon (the Emerald Buddha) and Phra Bang, bringing them to Thonburi
– A royal court theatre was established to stage grand performances in celebration of the Emerald Buddha
– Luang Sorawichit (Nu) composed Inao Kham Chan

B.E. 2323
– Widespread unrest broke out in Cambodia

B.E. 2324
– A Siamese diplomatic mission was sent to China
– Phraya Mahanuphap composed Nirat Muang Kwangtung
– The Siamese army marched to suppress unrest in Cambodia
– Internal disorder occurred within Thonburi
– The rebellion of Phraya San
– A civil war broke out between Phraya San and Phraya Suriyaphai

B.E. 2325
– The deliberation concerning the matter of King Taksin
– The end of the Thonburi period
(Setheun Suphasophon, 2531: 115; and http://www.wangdermplace.com/kingtaksin/thai_thegreat.html, 21/11/45)